Social Insurance and Welfare

Author(s):  
George Klosko

Distinctive nature of social insurance and how American welfare programs were justified in these terms. Programs discussed are Social Security, “welfare” (AFDC/TANF), Supplemental Security Income, Earned Income Tax Credit, and Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society. Emphasis on basic distinction in American political culture between “deserving” and “undeserving” citizens.

Author(s):  
George Klosko

Recap of the main argument of the book and implications. Criticism of equality of opportunity as a basis for welfare programs, in comparison to “moderate liberalism.” Other possible justifications for welfare programs, including values of equality and independence. The absence of strong arguments for welfare programs in American political culture.


Author(s):  
Daniel P. Gitterman

This chapter highlights two policies that supplement the earnings of low-wage workers: the federal minimum wage and the earned income tax credit (EITC). The need for earnings supplements arises in part from the nature of the jobs held by less-skilled, low-wage workers. Such jobs are likely to be compensated on an hourly basis, not salaried, and are less likely to be full time. A focus on the minimum wage and the EITC contributes to—and expands our understanding of—the American welfare state in two ways. First, it looks beyond social insurance and public assistance, which have been considered the main tools of social policy, to explore the importance of alternative antipoverty policies. Second, it moves beyond income support to nonworkers to focus on efforts to support individuals who areactivein the labor market.


Author(s):  
George Klosko

With passage of the Social Security Act, in 1935, the American government took on new social welfare functions, which have expanded ever since. The Transformation of American Liberalism explores the arguments American political leaders used to justify and defend social welfare programs since 1935. Students of political theory note the evolution of liberal political theory between its origins and major contemporary theorists who justify the values and social policies of the welfare state. But the transformation of liberalism in American political culture is incomplete. Beginning with Franklin Roosevelt, the arguments of America’s political leaders fall well short of values of equality and human dignity that are often thought to underlie the welfare state. Individualist—“Lockean”—values and beliefs have exerted a continuing hold on America’s leaders, constraining their justificatory arguments. The paradoxical result may be described as continuing attempts to justify new social programs without acknowledging incompatibility between the arguments necessary to do so and individualist assumptions inherent in American political culture. The American welfare state is notably ungenerous in its social welfare programs. To some extent this may be attributed to the shortcomings of public justifications. An important reason for the striking absence of strong and widely recognized arguments for these programs in America’s political culture is that its political leaders did not provide them.


1979 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rolande Cuvillier

ABSTRACTThis article attempts to demonstrate how the community subsidizes a married couple in which the wife stays at home, through the combined effect of tax and social security privileges. Contrary to what might be thought, this system is not even really designed to protect ‘the family’: it operates irrespective of whether there are any children or not. It is in fact intended to reward the couple in which the wife devotes herself to looking after her husband. It is quite likely that women who go out to work (and who also do their housework) bear more than their share of the cost of this, because of the ‘overpayments’ that they are obliged to make in taxation and social security contributions. I propose that the system be abolished, as it corresponds to an out-of-date concept of marriage and has no justification from either the economic or the social standpoint. A housewife receives an income from her marriage and, if she actually does the housework, she improves the couple's standard of living. A number of working hypotheses are put forward in an attempt to see how the housewife could assume the normal responsibilities of a taxpayer and social security contributor.It is impossible (a) to assess the value of the services provided by the housewife in her sheltered environment and (b) even to know for certain what she really does there (many housewives employ charwomen or au pair girls or even full-time servants). However, when it is a question of granting to a widow an income related to what she had when her husband was alive, she is entitled to a specified fraction – usually half – of what her husband received or would have received. If this principle is valid with respect to benefits, it ought also to be valid with respect to obligations. Thus, the main proposal made here is that the housewife should pay income tax and social security contributions on a fictitious amount equivalent to half of her husband's earnings; this amount would be treated as ‘earned income’, which is the most favourable assumption from her standpoint. At the same time, the husband would pay income tax and his own social security contributions on the whole of his own earned income, as he would if he employed a housekeeper. The above-mentioned fictitious amount would also serve as the basis of calculation of the housewife's entitlement to social security benefits, subject to redistribution so as to assure a minimum subsistence in case of need. Reforms along these lines could only be put into effect gradually, since it would be unjust to penalize people from one day to the next for irresponsible behaviour which they have been deliberately encouraged to adopt up to the present.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document