Urban Destruction during the Civil War

Author(s):  
Megan Kate Nelson

During the American Civil War, Union and Confederate commanders made the capture and destruction of enemy cities a central feature of their military campaigns. They did so for two reasons. First, most mid-19th-century cities had factories, foundries, and warehouses within their borders, churning out and storing war materiel; military officials believed that if they interrupted or incapacitated the enemy’s ability to arm or clothe themselves, the war would end. Second, it was believed that the widespread destruction of property—especially in major or capital cities—would also damage civilians’ morale, undermining their political convictions and decreasing their support for the war effort. Both Union and Confederate armies bombarded and burned cities with these goals in mind. Sometimes they fought battles on city streets but more often, Union troops initiated long-term sieges in order to capture Confederate cities and demoralize their inhabitants. Soldiers on both sides were motivated by vengeance when they set fire to city businesses and homes; these acts were controversial, as was defensive burning—the deliberate destruction of one’s own urban center in order to keep its war materiel out of the hands of the enemy. Urban destruction, particularly long-term sieges, took a psychological toll on (mostly southern) city residents. Many were wounded, lost property, or were forced to become refugees. Because of this, the destruction of cities during the American Civil War provoked widespread discussions about the nature of “civilized warfare” and the role that civilians played in military strategy. Both soldiers and civilians tried to make sense of the destruction of cities in writing, and also in illustrations and photographs; images in particular shaped both northern and southern memories of the war and its costs.

Author(s):  
Kristopher A. Teters

This study challenges much of the current historical literature about the American Civil War by arguing that western Union officers carried out a practical emancipation policy as part of a pragmatic military strategy, rather than an idealistic moral opposition to slavery. While officers came to accept emancipation as a useful instrument to win the war, their racial attitudes changed very little. In the early stages of the war, the army’s policies towards fugitive slaves were inconsistent and influenced by an officer’s individual attitudes toward slavery. The Second Confiscation Act of 1862 and the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 caused a shift in army policy to become more consistent and emancipationist. Officers, however, carried out emancipation primarily for the army’s benefit, as freed slaves could help the army as pioneers, laborers, servants, and soldiers. Union officers were committed to winning the war and saving the Union, and emancipation proved a practical policy to accomplish these goals.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafael González-Val ◽  
Javier Silvestre

Abstract This paper examines the effect of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) shock on city shares of population applying the methodology proposed by Davis, D. R., and D. E. Weinstein. 2002. “Bones, Bombs, and Break Points: The Geography of Economic Activity.” The American Economic Review 92 (5): 1269–89. We make use of an unexploited long-term, historical dataset of populations disaggregated at the city level. Our instruments, a key methodological issue, are based on dead and wounded data collected by historians. We show that the effect of the Spanish Civil War on capital cities was temporary, and argue that the locational fundamentals theory is the principal explanation.


This volume integrates the military and social histories of the American Civil War in its chapter organization. Its contributors use war and society methods: a holistic approach to understanding war and its consequences that incorporates the topics and techniques of a variety of historical subfields. Each chapter narrates a military campaign embedded in its strategic, political, and social context. Authors explore the consequences of a military campaign for the people who lived in its path and provide analysis of how an army’s presence reverberated throughout society in its region of operation. The volume yields a number of important insights about the impact of military campaigns, including the scale of movement, deportation, and depopulation among civilians; how the refugee experience and military action shaped emancipation as a process; the extent of guerrilla warfare; resistance to federal authority in the Great Plains and the Southwest; locations of localized total war; the implementation of military conscription in the Confederacy; a campaign’s consequences for cities, rural areas, and the natural environment; and the synergy between war and politics. Chapters consider the role of weather, topography, logistics, and engineering in the conduct of military campaigns.


Vulcan ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-110
Author(s):  
Seymour E. Goodman

The Industrial Revolution provided the environment and opportunities for the large-scale development and deployment of military technological innovation in “real time,” that is, in time to influence the conduct and outcomes of a major conflict while that conflict was in progress. The case of the Union and Confederate strategies and their implementations during the American Civil War is particularly exemplary because both sides looked to ironclad warships in opposing ways. For the first year of the war each side pursued real-time ironclad warship deployment efforts to influence three different strategic races on a continental scale. Confederate success could have had enormous impacts on the course and outcomes of the war, but by August 1862 the Union had won all three races. Each was won in a different way, each portended how the conduct of the war on water continued, and each provided lessons for both navies to learn. Both sides went forward with revised strategies and renewed vigor to try to build and deploy more than one hundred ironclad warships between them. Over the next three years, the extensive Confederate ironclad program failed in multiple and costly ways to deliver much to the Confederate war effort. The even more extensive Union ironclad program did better primarily by securing what had been won the first year and neutralizing the continuing Confederate ironclad threat, although it failed in other important ways.


2006 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lytton John Musselman

George Edward Post wrote the first flora of the Middle East in English. His other botanical activities are less familiar. In addition to the flora, this paper discusses his teaching, fieldwork, contribution to Bible dictionaries, relations with the Boissier Herbarium in Geneva, establishment of the herbarium, and letters. Those letters are used here for the first time. Post corresponded with botanical luminaries of his day including Autran, Baker, Balfour, Barbey, Boissier, Bornmüller, Carruthers, Denslow, Haussknecht, Hooker, Schweinfurth, Thistleton-Dyer, Torrey, and Winkler. His long-term relationship with the herbarium at Geneva is highlighted. In addition, some of the lesser understood aspects of his life including chaplaincy during the American Civil War, and missionary to Syria are discussed.


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