Damasus I, Bishop of Rome, 366–384 CE

Author(s):  
Marianne Sághy
Keyword(s):  

Bishop Damasus of Rome was the builder of Christian Rome and papal power in the 4th century. Following a double election, Damasus succesfully fought the schism instigated by his rival Ursinus. Damasus established the cult of the martyrs in the Roman catacombs and commissioned Jerome to revise the Latin translation of the Bible. A great promoter of the preeminence of Rome (“primacy of Peter”) among the churches, Damasus enjoyed the support of Emperor Theodosius I, but his relations with the East were strained.

2007 ◽  
Vol 100 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-441
Author(s):  
Robert Frakes

Two striking developments in late antiquity are the growing influence of Christianity and the codification of Roman law. The first attempt to harmonize these two developments lies in the late antique Latin work known by scholars as the Lex Dei (“Law of God”) or Collatio Legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum (“Collation of the Laws of Moses and of the Romans”). The anonymous collator of this short legal compendium organized his work following a fairly regular plan, dividing it into sixteen topics (traditionally called titles). Each title begins with a quotation from the Hebrew Bible (in Latin), followed by quotations of passages from Roman jurists and, occasionally, from Roman law. His apparent motive was to demonstrate the similarity between Roman law and the law of God. Scholars have differed over where the collator obtained his Latin translations of passages from the Hebrew Bible. Did he make his own translation from the Greek Septuagint or directly from the Hebrew Scriptures themselves? Did he use the famous Latin translation of Jerome or an older, pre-Jerome, Latin translation of the Bible, known by scholars as the Vetus Latina or Old Latin Bible? Re-examination of the evolution of texts of the Latin Bible and close comparison of biblical passages from the Lex Dei with other surviving Latin versions will confirm that the collator used one of the several versions of the Old Latin Bible that were in circulation in late antiquity. Such a conclusion supports the argument that the religious identity of the collator was Christian (a subject of scholarly controversy for almost a century). Moreover, analysis of the collator's use of the Bible can also shed light on his methodology in compiling his collection.


2020 ◽  
Vol 142 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-417
Author(s):  
Franz Josef Worstbrock

AbstractThe ›Versio vulgata‹, probably written around 1170 in Paris (St. Denis), a thoroughly accurate Latin translation of its Greek model, the ›Historia of Barlaam and Joasaph‹, is the starting point for the legend of ›Barlaam and Josaphat‹, which was widely used in all literature in the Western Middle Ages. It itself had an unusually rapid and broad reception, in which, according to the testimony of more than 100 preserved manuscripts, especially the new monastic orders of the 12th century participated, led by the Cistercians. The narrative programme of the ›Historia‹ is the path of the king’s son Josaphat into an existence of radical religious renunciation of the world, the central act of the plot being his departure from power, from the country and its people into the eremitic wilderness. It takes place against the protest of the people, who do not want to let the beloved king go, and especially against the protest of Prince Barachias, whom Josaphat forces into his succession. Here the individual’s desire for salvation not only disputes the claim of the salvation of the many, but above all denies the forced successor the possibility of an equal path of salvation. Thus the ›Historia‹ is loaded with an insoluble aporia at its key point. The use of the Bible has a formative effect on the style of the ›Historia‹, not so much the frequent citation of marked exact Bible quotations as the even more frequent insertion of smaller or larger biblical excerpts into the narrator’s speech or that of one of his characters as if they were part of their own speech.


Author(s):  
Jane E. A. Dawson

This chapter provides a narrative of the sustained use of Genevan forms of worship in the British Isles after Knox and Goodman’s return from exile. Genevan devotional practices were not strictly celebrated by the former exiles alone. The broader singing of metrical psalms in England aroused suspicion by authorities of a popular brand of Calvinism. It was not ultimately Cranmer’s Latin translation of the Bible that English and Scottish Protestants shared, but a common edition of the Bible produced by the English exile congregation in Geneva. Gaelic translations of the Geneva Bible intended for an Irish readership extended the edition’s use even further. The discussion also draws attention to Archbishop Adam Loftus’s missionary plan to deploy Goodman in Ireland in order to introduce reformed worship.


1930 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 567-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Gaster

In 1848 Juynboll published the Arabic text with a Latin translation and elaborate introduction of a Samaritan work, which he called the Samaritan Chronicle. He printed it from a MS. in the Leyden library deposited there by Scaliger; this MS. belonged to the fourteenth century. It was written by two hands, the second part being of a somewhat later date. Juynboll was quite justified in callingit a chronicle, although the largest part of the MS. consists of the book of Joshua. It is a paraphrase of the book of Joshua of the Jewish Bible, containing chiefly the first chapters to which various legendary stories had been added. But the MS. contains much more. It starts with the appointment of Joshua as successor to Moses, in the latter's lifetime, then the history of Bileam, slightly differing from the record in the Bible, then also two different recensions of the death of Moses are given, after which, with a special heading, the book of Joshua begins. At the end of it the history is continued; it is very fragmentary. Within a very brief space the story of the Exile, under Bokht Nasar—the Arabic form for Nebuchadnezzer—is told, and then it is continued in the same brief form down to the time of Baba Rabba—second or third century—the great hero of Samaritan history. The Samaritans considered him as the one who had been able to throw off the yoke of the foreign rulers and to obtain for them a certain amount of political liberty.


2008 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-302
Author(s):  
Otto Hiltbrunner

AbstractIn his Sermones Augustine is often obliged to ward off misunderstandings which might arise from differences between standard Latin and the colloquial language of his listeners. This is why he opposes their wish to replace mulier with femina in the scriptures. He explains the matter as follows: it is only in popular speech that mulier means a married woman, whereas in the Bible women of any age—including the Virgin Mary—are called mulieres. Femina is a word which in Old Latin inspires reverence through its use in sacral contexts and which was preferred by poets from Augustan times onwards. Thus it is regarded as more elevated than the commoner mulier. Nevertheless, because mulier, unlike femina, agrees with Hebrew išah and Greek γυνη in being used only of human beings (though applicable to women of all ages and conditions), it remains the most appropriate Latin translation.


Author(s):  
Edward Kessler
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
R. S. Sugirtharajah
Keyword(s):  

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