John Knox, Christopher Goodman and the ‘Example of Geneva’1

Author(s):  
Jane E. A. Dawson

This chapter provides a narrative of the sustained use of Genevan forms of worship in the British Isles after Knox and Goodman’s return from exile. Genevan devotional practices were not strictly celebrated by the former exiles alone. The broader singing of metrical psalms in England aroused suspicion by authorities of a popular brand of Calvinism. It was not ultimately Cranmer’s Latin translation of the Bible that English and Scottish Protestants shared, but a common edition of the Bible produced by the English exile congregation in Geneva. Gaelic translations of the Geneva Bible intended for an Irish readership extended the edition’s use even further. The discussion also draws attention to Archbishop Adam Loftus’s missionary plan to deploy Goodman in Ireland in order to introduce reformed worship.

Author(s):  
Alison M. Jack

In this chapter the ubiquity of references to the Prodigal Son in Shakespeare’s work is explored, leading to a discussion of Shakespeare’s use of the Bible in general and of the Geneva Bible in particular. Two plays are considered in detail: Henry IV Part 1 and King Lear. It is suggested that Shakespeare offers a creative exegesis, or midrash, of the parable in both plays. In the first, the parable is reworked in a way which leads the reader to question the motives of both Hal and the Prodigal in the original text. In the second, the complex overlay of the parable on the plot and characterization offers at least the possibility of grace and hope at the end of the play.


2007 ◽  
Vol 100 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-441
Author(s):  
Robert Frakes

Two striking developments in late antiquity are the growing influence of Christianity and the codification of Roman law. The first attempt to harmonize these two developments lies in the late antique Latin work known by scholars as the Lex Dei (“Law of God”) or Collatio Legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum (“Collation of the Laws of Moses and of the Romans”). The anonymous collator of this short legal compendium organized his work following a fairly regular plan, dividing it into sixteen topics (traditionally called titles). Each title begins with a quotation from the Hebrew Bible (in Latin), followed by quotations of passages from Roman jurists and, occasionally, from Roman law. His apparent motive was to demonstrate the similarity between Roman law and the law of God. Scholars have differed over where the collator obtained his Latin translations of passages from the Hebrew Bible. Did he make his own translation from the Greek Septuagint or directly from the Hebrew Scriptures themselves? Did he use the famous Latin translation of Jerome or an older, pre-Jerome, Latin translation of the Bible, known by scholars as the Vetus Latina or Old Latin Bible? Re-examination of the evolution of texts of the Latin Bible and close comparison of biblical passages from the Lex Dei with other surviving Latin versions will confirm that the collator used one of the several versions of the Old Latin Bible that were in circulation in late antiquity. Such a conclusion supports the argument that the religious identity of the collator was Christian (a subject of scholarly controversy for almost a century). Moreover, analysis of the collator's use of the Bible can also shed light on his methodology in compiling his collection.


Target ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
L.G. Kelly

Abstract During the seventeenth century the London apothecaries, most of them Puritans, sought to destroy the control the London College of Physicians exercised over the practice of medicine in the capital. Cromwell's success in the Civil War gave the apothecaries the advantage in this fight, and the major weapon they used against the College was translation of the Latin professional literature into English and wide dissemination of the translations, which often included some very unbridled footnotes to embarass the College. The most important of these apothecary-translators was Nicholas Culpeper (1616-1654). His practice in both medicine and translation is typical of the Puritan tradition in combining four influences: the philosophy of Francis Bacon, medieval interpretations of Ovid's account of Creation (Metamorphoses I.85), the Platonist flavour of medieval alchemy, and the Bible, particularly as translated by the Calvinists (the "Geneva Bible"). Culpeper was writing for a public that saw no distinction between secular and religious knowledge, and which took from Bacon and Seneca the conviction that polished language could not co-exist with truth. Thus his translation style, taken ultimately from the Puritan pulpit and schoolroom, is unadorned, accurate, and literal in that his versions respect the discourse order and content of the original.


Author(s):  
Margaret Christian

Allegoresis is interpreting a text written with straightforward literal intent as if it were an allegory. In typology, a literal person or object is treated as an anticipatory example of someone or something to come. The Bible was the most important text subject to this kind of reading, including by New Testament writers. A sampling of commentaries on the parable of the sower (Matthew 13) and the rivalry between Mary and Martha (Luke 10) demonstrates the stability of allegorical readings from the patristic to the early modern era. Although the extent to which the Bible was properly read allegorically was hotly debated in the sixteenth century, even William Tyndale’s practice had much in common with traditional four-fold interpretation. Marginal glosses from the Geneva Bible indicate the general acceptance (and by extension, the transparency) of allegorical reading. Spenser’s use of words like “type,” “shadow,” “image,” and “figure” refer to traditional biblical exegesis, adapting a method familiar to Elizabethans from religious sources.


1996 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-269
Author(s):  
Robert P. Carroll

AbstractThe political nature of English Bibles (Geneva Bible, Douai-Rhemes, KingJames Bible) in the long history of biblical translation is often neglected in the analysis of Bibles as ideological weapons ofwar in the theopolitical struggles of the time of their production. The eventual triumph of the KJB centuries later inscribed ideological traces of partisan versions of those struggles in "the English Bible." Violence is done to the biblical text and by readers of the text in the perpetuation of such Bibles as translations. Some examples of these kinds of violence are discussed, with observations on the hermeneutic constraints built into such translations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 142 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-417
Author(s):  
Franz Josef Worstbrock

AbstractThe ›Versio vulgata‹, probably written around 1170 in Paris (St. Denis), a thoroughly accurate Latin translation of its Greek model, the ›Historia of Barlaam and Joasaph‹, is the starting point for the legend of ›Barlaam and Josaphat‹, which was widely used in all literature in the Western Middle Ages. It itself had an unusually rapid and broad reception, in which, according to the testimony of more than 100 preserved manuscripts, especially the new monastic orders of the 12th century participated, led by the Cistercians. The narrative programme of the ›Historia‹ is the path of the king’s son Josaphat into an existence of radical religious renunciation of the world, the central act of the plot being his departure from power, from the country and its people into the eremitic wilderness. It takes place against the protest of the people, who do not want to let the beloved king go, and especially against the protest of Prince Barachias, whom Josaphat forces into his succession. Here the individual’s desire for salvation not only disputes the claim of the salvation of the many, but above all denies the forced successor the possibility of an equal path of salvation. Thus the ›Historia‹ is loaded with an insoluble aporia at its key point. The use of the Bible has a formative effect on the style of the ›Historia‹, not so much the frequent citation of marked exact Bible quotations as the even more frequent insertion of smaller or larger biblical excerpts into the narrator’s speech or that of one of his characters as if they were part of their own speech.


Author(s):  
Iain R. Torrance

The Geneva Bible is commonly thought of as a single version produced by the Marian exiles with marginal notes which was disliked by King James VI and superseded by the Authorized or King James Version after 1611. The chapter shows that there were three major text forms in the Geneva Bible tradition: the ‘pure’ Genevans, the Geneva Tomson version which followed Beza’s Latin New Testament, and finally the Geneva Tomson Junius version which added a very extensive commentary to the Book of Revelation. Moreover, study of the material culture of what must be understood as the Geneva Bible ‘project’ shows that different typefaces and different bundling of paratextual additions were designed to appeal to different readerships. Two distinctive Geneva Bible versions were published in Scotland (the Arbuthnot/Bassandyne text of 1579 and the Andro Hart text of 1610). It is suggested that use of the Geneva tradition flourished in Scotland until about 1640 and fostered a highly informed, argumentative sense of separate religious identity.


Author(s):  
Marianne Sághy
Keyword(s):  

Bishop Damasus of Rome was the builder of Christian Rome and papal power in the 4th century. Following a double election, Damasus succesfully fought the schism instigated by his rival Ursinus. Damasus established the cult of the martyrs in the Roman catacombs and commissioned Jerome to revise the Latin translation of the Bible. A great promoter of the preeminence of Rome (“primacy of Peter”) among the churches, Damasus enjoyed the support of Emperor Theodosius I, but his relations with the East were strained.


1961 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce M. Metzger

Although many studies have been published of the history and influence of Codex Bezae, textual critics have hitherto overlooked the contribution which it made to one of the most noteworthy of the earlier English versions of the Bible. This was the sixteenth-century translation prepared by a group of English exiles who had fled to the Continent in order to escape the persecution of Queen Mary Tudor, sometimes referred to as ‘Bloody’ Mary.


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