Black Activism: Racial Revolution in the United States, 1954-1970. By Robert H. Brisbane. Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson Press, 1974. 293 pp. $10.00

1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 346-347
Author(s):  
H. M. Davis
Author(s):  
E. James West

This chapter situates the early development of Ebony within a longer history of black press engagement with black history and the evolution of the black history movement in the United States. It demonstrates that black history education was an important, if often overlooked feature of Ebony from its creation in 1945 and demonstrates how coalescing civil rights activism pushed the magazine towards a more substantive engagement with both black history and black activism.


Author(s):  
Nicholas Grant

This chapter provides an overview of racial politics in the United States and South Africa in the 1940s and 1950s. It traces how African Americans and black South Africans have historically configured their struggles as being interconnected, while documenting how anticommunism limited opportunities for transnational black activism between both countries during the early Cold War.


Author(s):  
Matthew Johnson

This chapter examines the origins of affirmative action in the University of Michigan (UM). The pressure that led to the university's first undergraduate affirmative action admissions program came from a federal bureaucrat and the president of the United States, who were both responding to black activism for workplace justice. Yet this pressure never threatened UM with the loss of lucrative federal contracts or potential court cases. UM adopted affirmative action in 1964 because people at the top of the institution wanted the university to change. This environment of weak federal coercion created a perfect recipe for co-optation. After the initial dose of federal pressure, UM officials took control of the purpose and character of affirmative action, creating a program that preserved the university's long-established priorities and values. It is no surprise, then, that between 1964 and 1967, black enrollment rose from only 0.5 to 1.65 percent of the student body. However, given that African Americans constituted more than 10 percent of the state population, affirmative action made a small dent in the racial disparities at UM.


1976 ◽  
Vol 81 (2) ◽  
pp. 469
Author(s):  
Elliott Rudwick ◽  
Robert H. Brisbane

Author(s):  
Nicholas Grant

This chapter examines the relationship between anticommunism and transnational black activism. The racial politics of the United States and South Africa became even more closely interconnected during the early Cold War. The political, economic and military ties that were established between the U.S. and South African governments at this moment dramatically reshaped how African Americans and black South Africans engaged in one another struggles. As the apartheid state positioned themselves as a key bulwark against the spread of communism in Southern Africa, black activists on both sides of the Atlantic mobilized to challenge this relationship.


Author(s):  
Carole Boyce Davies

This chapter engages some of the political realities of living as a Caribbean person in the United States. It examines the movements of some of the most visibly representative figures largely from the Anglophone Caribbean, from the formative period of black activism leading up to the Black Power period of the 1970s. In pursuing earlier work on Claudia Jones that focused largely on the 1930s—1950s, the author was able to see some patterns emerging in the surrounding intellectuals and activists with whom Jones' work intersected and intersects, that is, the African American activists in the U.S. context and the larger Caribbean and Pan-African and international contexts. Jones' Caribbean left politics addresses the question of how to “remake” inherited political positions for usability in black communities.


Author(s):  
Tomas Kacer

Theater productions were born out of a paradox in the United States of the Revolutionary War and shortly afterwards. While the nation’s dominant ideology was anti-theatrical, theater often served a nationalist agenda, co-defining the new American nation and its nascent identities – such were, for example, productions of Joseph Addison’s Cato at Valley Forge in 1778 and William Dunlap’s André at the New Park in New York in 1798. These theater events empowered the audience to publicly perform their national identity as Americans and exercise their republican fervor. Similarly, a production of Bunker-Hill by J. D. Burk at the Haymarket in Boston in 1797 was crucial in helping define the social and political identities of its audiences, who were motivated to attend the performances as an expression of their partisan preferences. This article shows that literary, theatrical and social practices served to constitute performatively the early American national identity.


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