Accountability for Syria

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 1083-1115
Author(s):  
Caroline Sweeney

Abstract To date, apart from a few prosecutions in European states, there has been widespread impunity for international crimes committed in Syria since March 2011. The International Criminal Court (ICC) is arguably the most suitable forum for prosecuting alleged perpetrators. However, thus far no accused has appeared before the Court. Indeed, the Prosecutor has yet to even open an investigation due primarily to the inability to establish a precondition for the exercise of jurisdiction. This article examines if this situation is now likely to change in light of a number of recent and controversial decisions of the Court, most notably, Pre-Trial Chamber I’s ruling that the Court may exercise jurisdiction on a territorial basis over the alleged deportation of members of the Rohingya people from Myanmar, a non-state party to the ICC Statute, to Bangladesh, a state party, because an element or part of the alleged crime took place on the territory of a state party. The article considers whether this decision could potentially be relied upon as a precedent to enable the Court to exercise jurisdiction over crimes committed in the context of the Syrian unrest where a part or element of those crimes was committed on Jordanian territory, as Jordan is also a state party to the ICC Statute. Even if territorial jurisdiction is shown to exist based on the ‘Myanmar precedent’, the article examines whether an investigation might nonetheless be frustrated having regard to Pre-Trial Chamber II’s refusal to authorize an investigation proprio motu into the situation in Afghanistan since May 2003 on the grounds that it would not serve the interests of justice. Finally, the article considers the potential impact of the Jordan Referral Judgment on the likelihood of high-ranking Syrian officials appearing before the Court. In that judgment, the Appeals Chamber controversially affirmed that head of state immunity is inapplicable before international courts. The decisions discussed in the article generated rigorous and at times divisive debate amongst academic commentators. Accordingly, the article also incorporates a cross-cutting theoretical analysis of the extent to which the differing responses to these decisions reflects the historic fault-line between realists and liberals.

2019 ◽  
Vol 113 (2) ◽  
pp. 368-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michail Vagias

On September 6, 2018, Pre-Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Court (ICC or Court) ruled by a majority—Judge Perrin de Brichambaut dissenting—that it has jurisdiction to hear cases concerning crimes that occurred only in part within the territory of a state party to the Rome Statute. In so ruling, the Court granted the ICC prosecutor's request to rule on jurisdiction and confirmed its territorial jurisdiction over the alleged deportation of Rohingya people from the territory of Myanmar (a state not party to the Rome Statute) to Bangladesh (a state party). The Court also affirmed unequivocally its objective international legal personality vis-à-vis non-party states and hinted strongly that the prosecutor should consider the possible prosecution of at least two additional crimes in connection with this situation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Freuden

On September 6, 2018, Pre-Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Court (Court) issued its “Decision on the ‘Prosecution's Request for a Ruling on Jurisdiction Under Article 19(3) of the Statute.’” The decision is notable both for the procedural posture—the Prosecution submitted its request prior to opening a preliminary examination—and the majority's conclusion that the Court may exercise territorial jurisdiction over alleged deportation from Myanmar, a nonstate party to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (Rome Statute or Statute), to a state party, Bangladesh.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 703-729 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Ramsden ◽  
Isaac Yeung

The scope and effect of the Head of State immunity doctrine before the International Criminal Court has prompted much discussion following the 2011 decision of the first Pre-Trial Chamber concerning the immunity of serving Sudanese President, Omar Al Bashir. The ptcI held that, as a matter of customary international law, there existed an exception to Head of State immunity where such official is sought by an international court with jurisdiction, here the icc. In an apparent retreat, a differently constituted ptc in 2014 based the inapplicability of such immunity on the terms of Security Council Resolution 1593. Using the 2011 and 2014 ptc decisions as a critical lens, and drawing upon recent material, this article assesses the proper application of Head of State immunity under Article 98(1) of the Rome Statute.


2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 385-428 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manisuli Ssenyonjo

On 9 January 2012 the African Union (AU) stated that it ‘shall oppose any ill-considered, self-serving decisions of the ICC [International Criminal Court] as well as any pretensions or double standards that become evident from the investigations, prosecutions and decisions by the ICC relating to situations in Africa’. These relate to the United Nations [UN] Security Council referrals (in Darfur/Sudan and Libya) and the Prosecutor’s investigations proprio motu (in Kenya). This article considers the rise of the AU opposition to the ICC investigations and prosecutions in Africa directed against current African State leaders focusing on three issues. First, whether customary international law creates an exception to Head of State immunity when international courts, such as the ICC, seek a Head of State’s arrest for the commission of international crimes. Second, whether the International Court of Justice can decide on immunity of State officials sought by the ICC. Third, whether the AU should empower the African Court of Justice and Human Rights with the jurisdiction to prosecute individuals for international crimes committed in Africa.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-74
Author(s):  
Anne Bayefsky

On February 5, 2021, the Pre-Trial Chamber (PTC) of the International Criminal Court (ICC) delivered its decision on territorial jurisdiction in the “Situation in Palestine.” The result reflects the controversy surrounding the process and the merits: a divided bench, with a Minority decision three times the length of that of the Majority. The outcome marked the culmination of sustained attempts by Palestinians and their supporters over more than two decades to engage the ICC, beginning with contentious negotiations preceding the vote on the Rome Statute at the Rome Conference and including three preliminary examinations, the third of which concluded with this decision. The Rome Statute, adopted by vote on July 17, 1998, included elements that negotiators acknowledged had never appeared before in international law, and were directed at an Israeli target. For this reason, in large part Israel, which had long supported the principle of an international criminal court, chose not to become a state party to the Statute or to participate in the proceedings.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 913-934
Author(s):  
Marc Schack ◽  
Astrid Kjeldgaard-Pedersen

Certain customary norms complicate the work of international criminal courts and tribunals (icts). The principle of legality prescribes that no one can be convicted for ‘new’ or ill-defined crimes, and the rules on personal immunity bar icts from prosecuting high-level defendants. In cases involving these issues, icts face the dilemma of weighing fundamental ‘rule of law’ principles against their core objective: to hold leaders accountable for international crimes. Various icts have resorted to what some commentators euphemistically call ‘creative’ application of customary international law but critics label as ‘poor legal reasoning’. By examining examples of such rulings, with particular focus on a recent string of decisions by the International Criminal Court (icc) regarding head of state immunity, this article attempts to identify and assess a modus operandi of icts confronted with the arduous choice between ‘safe-bet’ application of the relevant sources of law and ensuring international criminal justice.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
Payam Akhavan

Abstract The campaign of atrocities against Myanmar’s Rohingya minority is among the most pressing human rights challenges of our times. However, since Myanmar is not a party to the Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), proponents of international justice have been forced to pursue accountability through creative means. On 6 September 2018, the Pre-Trial Chamber of the ICC ruled that the Court had jurisdiction over some of the atrocities. Despite having been initiated in the territory of a non-state party (Myanmar), the Court held that the crime of deportation — that is, forced displacement across an international boundary — has been completed on the territory of a state party, namely Bangladesh. This unprecedented backdoor to The Hague has stirred considerable controversy, both in diplomatic and academic circles. Yet, just how radical is the deportation theory upheld in this Decision? It would seem that the exercise of territorial jurisdiction over crimes with transboundary elements is a rather routine and unremarkable practice among states and, by extension, with respect to the ICC. It is trite law that deportation — like human trafficking and similar crimes — is initiated in the territory of one state and completed in the territory of another state. Considered in this light, the so-called Rohingya case at the ICC is radically routine.


Author(s):  
Ardi Imseis

Abstract In December 2019, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court concluded her preliminary examination into the situation in Palestine, determining there is a reasonable basis to initiate an investigation into the situation. Instead of doing so, she first decided to seek a ruling from the Pre-Trial Chamber on the scope of the Court’s territorial jurisdiction, specifically aimed at confirming her view that the ‘territory’ over which the Court may exercise its jurisdiction comprises the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). This article focuses on the amici curiae observations and other communications made by eight states parties in the proceedings — Australia, Austria, Brazil, Canada, Czech Republic, Germany, Hungary and Uganda. A critical examination of these observations and communications reveals that they did not answer the question posed by the OTP, but rather advanced a number of strained arguments aimed, inter alia, at impugning the very notion that the Court has any jurisdiction at all on the basis that Palestine is not a state. When juxtaposed against the ostensible commitment of these states parties to the object and purpose of the Statute, their observations and other communications reveal a conspicuous hypocrisy. If accepted by the Court, these observations and communications would operate to not only affirm the continued contingency of the state of Palestine on the international plane, but, even worse, to shield persons known to have committed or be committing crimes of the gravest concern to the international community with impunity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
Theodor Meron

This chapter discusses the author’s transition from being a teacher to being an international criminal Judge. The life of a Judge is much more circumscribed by rules and traditions than the life of a teacher. Both national and international courts have typically adopted codes of professional and ethical conduct, which often include or are accompanied by disciplinary rules to ensure compliance and accountability. It is important to understand that the core mandate of an international criminal court is to try individuals within a governing legal framework and to determine whether—given the specific evidence presented and admitted by the court—the responsibility of an individual accused of international crimes has been established beyond reasonable doubt. The chapter then recounts the author’s experience as an international criminal Judge and assesses whether academics make good criminal Judges.


2009 ◽  
Vol 78 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manisuli Ssenyonjo

AbstractOn 4 March 2009 the Pre-Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Court (ICC) held that it was satisfied that there were reasonable grounds to believe that Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir, the president of Sudan, is criminally responsible under Article 25(3)(a) of the Rome Statute as an indirect (co)perpetrator for war crimes and crimes against humanity (but not for genocide). The Chamber issued a warrant for the arrest of Al Bashir making him the third sitting head of state to be charged by an international court following Liberia's Charles Taylor and Yugoslavia's Slobodan Milošević. Since then the ICC has been accused of making a "political decision" and that it is "part of a new mechanism of neo-colonialism". This article examines the ICC's decision against the background of the situation in Darfur. The article concludes that although the ICC decision and warrant cannot be considered political and neo-colonial in nature, the decision and warrant can be criticised as selective. It calls on the ICC to broaden its scope of investigations and for the international community to affirm its support for the ICC and insist that Sudan and other states cooperate fully as required by the United Nations Security Council.


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