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Abstract The paper is devoted to the role of the head of state in initiating and implementing constitutional reforms in Senegal. This country can legitimately be regarded as one of the few examples of a relatively successful democratization process in Africa, as evidenced, among other things, by the lack of military coups leading to the loss of power by civilian governments, as well as by two democratic transfers of power (in 2000–2001 and 2012), after which the main opposition parties gained the presidency and the majority of parliamentary seats. Both these fundamental political transformations generated important constitutional changes (for example, the adoption of the current Constitution of 2001, or the constitutional modifications of 2016 and 2019) that have influenced, to a greater or lesser extent, the position of the presidency in Senegalese systems of government. The author analyses their significance for the functioning of contemporary political institutions in the broader context set by the politics of constitutional amendment which was conducted by previous presidents of this country. The main goal of the paper is to examine to what extent the constitutional modifications introduced before and after the adoption of the 2001 Constitution were designed to contribute to the beginning or consolidation of pro-democratic trends, and to what extent they were created to strengthen the position of an incumbent president himself, leading to a political imbalance and regress in the democratization process. The author argues that the constitutional modifications adopted over the years have often gone in two opposite directions, influencing the efficiency and durability of Senegalese institutional structures.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 50-58
Author(s):  
Pavel Kandel ◽  

The article analyzes the preconditions, course and outcome of this year third consecutive elections to the National Assembly (14th November) and of the Head of State (14th November to 11th November). The epilogue of the protracted political crisis caused by the inflexibility of the leadership of the new «protest parties» (ETN, DB and «Stand Up Bulgaria...») resulted in their loss of both people’s trust and a significant number of parliamentary seats. The «We continue the change» movement hastily put together by two Harvard graduates Kiril Petkov and Asen Vasilev, both former ministers of the interim cabinet who proved themselves sensible managers, turned out to be able to respond to surviving hopes of the electorate for changes for the better. They were backed both by the President and external partners (Washington and Brussels). The President’s upright behavior in a complex situation ensured his re-election for a second term thus demonstrating obvious superiority over his main electoral contender. Based on the tough lessons learned by the hapless former leaders of the protest, the new movement changed the course of action, and Petkov managed to form a coalition government with the participation of socialists, although the same could have been achieved immediately after the first elections. The rather diverse new cabinet faces difficult tasks of tackling the pandemic in a country with a majority actively advocating against vaccination, of putting an end to the corrupt practices of the former regime whose members still retain strong political positions, and of starting economic and social recovery. These challenges do not promise an easy or a long life to the government. The general conclusion that can be drawn from the recent developments is that brought to power on the tide of a mass protest political amateurs might be able to play the role of a battering ram against a rotten regime but they turn out to be less competent in effectively exercising their authority. It remains only to believe that the government that has got to work will be able to prove the opposite.


Author(s):  
Anggi Puspitasari ◽  
Inani Mahmudah ◽  
Clariesa Alit Maharani ◽  
Intan Diyah Pratiwi ◽  
Darmadi Darmadi

Indonesia is a country that always tries to keep up with the developments of the Globalization Era and persuasion, every change of Head of State (President) as well as Change of Minister of Education, curriculum changes are made. The curriculum in Indonesia has undergone several changes until finally a new curriculum was born in 2013, which we usually call the 2013 Curriculum. The 2013 curriculum is running well in several schools. However, without being planned in early 2020 in various countries in the world experiencing the covid-19 pandemic, it has an impact on the learning of school students in Indonesia. What students usually do offline learning is now done boldly. In accordance with the problems that occurred, this study aims to analyze "How to Apply the 2013 Curriculum when online learning during the Covid-19 Pandemic at MAN 2 Madiun". The method used is qualitative based on numbers and data in addition to using literature research. From the results of the study, there were several problems experienced by students and teachers such as lack of understanding of the material, difficulty in communicating, mastery of technology. The COVID-19 pandemic has affected many things in the world of education. As educators, teachers must find solutions to any problems that occur so that learning activities continue to run well during the COVID-19 pandemic


Communicology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 114-123
Author(s):  
S. S. Kamyshanskaya

The article represents the results of an actual analysis of the discussions on the site of the Valdai International Club over the past ten years in the context of the broadcast of the Russian message to the world as one of the instruments of Russian soft power. The author shows how the articulation of cultural, spiritual and political traditions of Russia occurs at the Valdai Forum as a platform for political communication and based on the appeal of the head of state to the problems of preserving cultural and national identity, forming a positive image of the state in the international arena, preserving national values and patriotic consciousness. A brief analysis is made of a number of fundamentally important thematic contours of the discussion by the Valdai Club members, which in recent years have become significant components of the formation of the Russian message to the world. Besides, the author substantiates the actualization of the concept of cultural imperative in the political science understanding of the cultural and value matrix of the Russian state and society in the Valdai discourse, and highlights an internal axiological aspect focused on civil-patriotic values, a sense of national identity, and the ideology of social justice.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-95
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska

The president’s strong position in Russia’s political system results from two important factors. First of all, these are constitutional and legal solutions that equip the president with a range of powers of his own and those of other authorities, making the head of state office almost hegemonic. Secondly, these are extra-legal factors, the so-called personality factors, assigned to individual Russian presidents who exercised power under almost on the same legal regulations and very similar competences. However, the presidencies of Yeltsin, Medvedev, and Putin were very different. The article analyzes the thesis that until March 2020, the strong position of the Russian president was not only legal, but also “personal.” The announced amendment of the Constitution in 2020 in terms of counting the president’s new term of office means Putin’s attempt to give priority to legal regulations, which in consequence will allow the extension of his rule in the majesty of the law and will not allow a system of “two powers.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 393-413
Author(s):  
Magdalena Wołoszyn

The aim of the article is to analyse selected metaphors used by the President of the Republic of Poland, Aleksander Kwaśniewski, in public appearances during his presidency in from 1995 to 2005. The subject of interest are public appearances in which A. Kwaśniewski talked about the preparation and accession of Poland to one of the most prestigious organisations in the world – the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO) in 1999 and the European Union (EU) in 2004. The author analyses selected metaphors (including: HOME, ROAD, FAMILY), regarding Poland’s accession to these structures, which were used by the president in his speeches. The author discusses how A. Kwaśniewski, who was then the head of state, used metaphors to present his attitude towards the issue of Poland’s integration with North Atlantic Alliance and accession to the European Union and what vision of Poland’s presence in these structures he had.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-329
Author(s):  
Salehuddin Md. Dahlan ◽  
Nor Asiah Mohamad ◽  
Nuarrual Hilal Md Dahlan

This paper analyses the legal and historical development of waqf made by Sultan Idris Murshidul' adzam Shah in Perak (1849 to 1916). There are many untraceable, lost, and perished waqfs in Malaysia. However, Sultan Idris’s waqf is an exception which still exists since its establishment in 1917. As such, this research intends to explore its sustainability factors. The research methodology used is the doctrinal and non-doctrinal research methods. The doctrinal method is used to analyse the enactments, government gazettes, audit reports, journal articles, and history books. Meanwhile, the non-doctrinal legal method, namely semi-structured interview, clarifies findings and information gathered from various documents. The research is essential as there is a lack of comprehensive research done on waqf made by the Sultans or the Head of State in Malaysia. The researcher finds that  the waqf was an established under written legal instrument;  the waqf by Sultan Idris was made based on the English law of trust, but the spirit and principles of waqf to permanently benefit the beneficiaries remain intact; the appointment of the Sultan's descendants as the trustees alongside a committee proved to be crucial for the sustainability of the waqf; and there was check and balance process through legal provision. This research provides a clearer picture of waqf practice before the establishment of Perak's State Islamic Religious Council and evidenced the Sultan's contribution towards developing and protecting Islam.


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