Impact of the Mobility Restrictions in the Palestinian Territory on the Population and the Environment

This paper analyzes the mobility restrictions in the Palestinian territory on the population and the environment. The literature review shows a scientific concern for this issue, with an emphasis on describing mobility barriers and the severe conditions experienced by the population due to these barriers as well as the impact of mobility restrictions on employment opportunities. On the other hand, the literature review also shows a deficit in quantitative analysis of the effects of mobility restrictions on the environment, particularly on energy consumption and greenhouse gas emissions. This paper aims to fill this gap through a quantitative analysis by including data collection about mobility restrictions, using network analysis to determine the impact of these restrictions on inter-urban mobility, and analysis of the resulting energy consumption and CO2 emissions. The results show that mobility restrictions induce a general increase in energy consumption and CO2 emissions. The average value of this increase is about 358% for diesel vehicles and 275% for gasoline vehicles.

Automating occupation: International humanitarian and human rights law implications of the deployment of facial recognition technologies in the occupied Palestinian territory

In 2019, media investigations revealed that Israel had added facial recognition technologies (FRTs) to the panoply of security and surveillance technologies deployed in its administration and control of the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). Despite growing academic and judicial scrutiny of the legal implications of these technologies for privacy and freedom of assembly in domestic contexts, scant attention has been paid to their uses by militaries in contexts where international humanitarian law (IHL) applies. This article seeks to establish the international legal framework governing an Occupying Power's deployment of FRTs, particularly in surveillance, and apply it to Israel's uses in the oPt. It is demonstrated that IHL provides flexible, but incomplete, provisions for balancing an Occupying Power's right to employ surveillance technologies within its measures of control and security against the imprecisely defined humanitarian interests of the population under occupation. The relevant legal framework is completed through the concurrent application of an Occupying Power's international human rights law (IHRL) obligations. What is known of Israel's use of FRTs in surveillance appears prima facie not to satisfy the cumulative IHRL criteria for limitations on the right to privacy – legality, legitimate aims, necessity and proportionality – even where these are broadened by reference to IHL. Consideration is also paid to corollary human rights impacts of these technologies, and the potential that they may entrench an Occupying Power's control while simultaneously rendering this control more invisible, remote and less reliant on the physical presence of troops.

Maps of the West Bank in Jordanian Postage Stamps, 1952–1985

This article examines Jordanian postage stamp depiction of the West Bank as part of the Hashemite Kingdom from 1952 to 1985. The majority of maps of the West Bank are featured as part of Jordan, both during Jordanian rule of the West Bank (1948–1967) and after Israel conquered the land during the 1967 war. Sometimes the West Bank is delineated from Jordan to suggest a territorial dispute with Israel, while other times, the West Bank is shown as part of Palestine. The ambiguous representations of the West Bank as Jordanian territory, disputed territory, and Palestinian territory reinforce Hashemite sovereignty claims to the West Bank while also supporting Palestinian rights and acknowledging Jordanian rule of the West Bank was conditional upon settlement of the Palestinian issue. Finally, this analysis seeks to explain why stamps stopped showing the West Bank as part of Jordan in 1985, three years before the kingdom formally severed all legal and administrative ties to the land.

From Higher Education in Historic Palestine towards a Pan-Palestinian Higher Education

The fiercely waged, century-long conflict on the ground of historic Palestine between the Jews, who from the mid-nineteenth century have mainly immigrated from Europe, and the Arab Palestinians, who live there—and have been living there for centuries/thousands of years—primarily started in the educational field. With the establishment of the Technion Institute in 1912, the Political Zionist movement started to develop a higher education system (HES) that could deliver the human capital needed for the building of a prosperous state, one built on the occupation and expropriation of Palestinian land and material property, on the expulsion of the people who lived there, on a system of apartheid, and, at long last, on the denial and destruction of the Palestinian identity. It was only sixty years later that a Palestinian response in the field of higher education was in a position to start with the establishment of Hebron University in 1971, followed by over fifty other Palestinian higher education institutes (HEIs). Despite current numerical parity in the population of around 6.5 million each (The New Arab 2018) and the number of HEIs (over fifty each) on the ground of historic Palestine, a devastating multi-sectorial power discrepancy exists in favor of the visions of Political Zionism. The power discrepancy and the irreconcilable narratives developed on both sides render peaceful compromises impossible. Through bibliographic research, this paper provides an outsider’s general snapshot of the current state of higher education in Palestine in order to explore its relation to conflict narratives, to power gap, and to major political events. It presents ideas for an intra-Palestinian, just as a regional and a global, discourse on how the still weak Palestinian HES in the Occupied Palestinian Territory could be improved to further strengthen Palestinian economic and scientific progress. It reflects on how to expand into a pan-Palestinian HES that, in addition, targets Palestinian refugees and diaspora Palestinians from all over the world, as well as Palestinians living in Israel. Beyond this demographic expansion, this essay suggests an academic engagement with the strengthening of historic Palestinian identity and the restitution of its cultural Druze and Jewish components, which were lost during the last century of conflict. This strengthened renewed multi-religious (now multilingual) Palestinian identity can also offer a long-term perspective for a peaceful solution, a perspective which cannot be offered by the exclusive Political Zionism.

Influenza vaccination should have no border: cost-effectiveness of cross-border subsidy

Background Influenza is a substantial cause of morbidity and mortality for Israel and the Palestinian territory. Given the extensive interaction between the two populations, vaccination in one population may indirectly benefit the other via reduced transmission. Due to the mobility and extensive contacts, Palestinians employed in Israel could be a prime target for vaccination. Methods To evaluate the epidemiological and the economic benefits conferred by vaccinating Palestinians employed in Israel, we developed a model of influenza transmission within and between Israel and the West Bank. We parameterized the contact patterns underlying transmission by conducting a survey among Palestinians employed in Israel, and integrating survey results with traffic patterns and socio-demographic data. Results Vaccinating 50% of Palestinian workers is predicted to reduce the annual influenza burden by 28,745 cases (95% CI: 15,031-50,717) and 37.7 deaths (95% CI: 19·9–65·5) for the Israeli population, and by 32,9900 cases (95% CI: 14,379-51,531) and 20.2 deaths (CI 95%: 9·8–31·5) for the Palestinian population. Further, we found that as the indirect protection was so substantial, funding such a vaccination campaign would be cost-saving from the Israeli Ministry of Health perspective. Conclusions Offering influenza vaccination to Palestinians employed in Israel could efficiently reduce morbidity and mortality within both Israel and the Palestinian territory.

Healthcare workers preparedness for COVID-19 pandemic in the occupied Palestinian territory: a cross-sectional survey

Background The COVID-19 pandemic threatens to overwhelm the capacity of a vulnerable healthcare system in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). We aimed to evaluate the availability of personal protective equipment (PPE) and the level of preparedness among HCWs in the oPt. Methods A cross-sectional study was conducted using a validated online questionnaire distributed through convenient sampling between March 30, 2020 and April 12, 2020. Outcomes were availability of PPE, healthcare workers (HCWs) preparedness in oPt for COVID-19 pandemic, and regional and hospital differences in oPt in terms of availability of PPE and HCWs preparedness. Descriptive statistics and univariate analysis were used in this study. Results Of 138 respondents, only 38 HCWs (27.5%) always had access to facemasks and 15 (10.9%) always had access to isolation gowns. Most HCWs did not find eye protection (n = 128, 92.8%), N95 respirators (n = 132, 95.7%), and face shields (n = 127, 92%) always available. Compared to HCWs in West Bank, those in the Gaza Strip were significantly less likely to have access to alcohol sanitizers (p = 0.03) and gloves (p < 0.001). On average, governmental hospitals were significantly less likely to have all appropriate PPE than non-governmental institutions (p = 0.001). Only 16 (11.6%) surveyed felt confident in dealing with a potential COVID-19 case, 57 (41.3%) having received any COVID-19-related training, and 57 (41.3%) not having a local hospital protocol. Conclusion HCWs in oPt appear to be underprepared and severely lacking adequate PPE provision. The lack of PPE provision will exacerbate spread of COVID-19 and deepen the crisis, whilst putting HCWs at risk.