Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stavrinaki Tina
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Persons With Disabilities ◽  
United Nations General ◽  
Optional Protocol ◽  
Reliable Evidence ◽  
United Nations General Assembly ◽  
The United Nations

This chapter examines the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). The Optional Protocol was adopted along with the CRPD on 13 December 2006 by the United Nations General Assembly, and entered into force on 3 May 2008. The Optional Protocol establishes the competence of the Committee on the Rights of the Persons with Disabilities to examine individual complaints with regard to alleged violations of the Convention by states parties to the Optional Protocol, and to undertake inquiries in case of reliable evidence of grave and systematic violations of the Convention. To date, among 175 parties to the Convention, ninety-two states have ratified the Optional Protocol.

The Strength of the Optional Protocol to the United Nations Women's Convention

2000 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-355
Author(s):  
Mireille G.E. Bijnsdorp
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
United Nations ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
United Nations General ◽  
Optional Protocol ◽  
Potential Strength ◽  
Five Elements ◽  
United Nations General Assembly ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Interim Measures

The article contains an analysis of the potential strength of the Optional Protocol to the United Nations Women's Convention. This Protocol was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in October 1999. The author discusses five stricking aspects (elements) of this new Protocol: the scope of the standing provision; the scope ratione materiae of the Protocol; the power of CEDAW to impose interim measures; the introduction of an inquiry procedure; and finally the prohibition of reservations. The author concludes that these five elements reveal a potentially strong Optional Protocol which could to a better enforcement of women's human rights.

scholarly journals Delegating diplomacy: rhetoric across agents in the United Nations General Assembly

2021 ◽  
pp. 002085232199756
Author(s):  
Julia Gray ◽  
Alex Baturo
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
United Nations General ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Single Voice ◽  
United Nations General Assembly ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Career Incentives

When political principals send agents to international organizations, those agents are often assumed to speak in a single voice. Yet, various types of country representatives appear on the international stage, including permanent representatives as well as more overtly “political” government officials. We argue that permanent delegates at the United Nations face career incentives that align them with the bureaucracy, setting them apart from political delegates. To that end, they tend to speak more homogeneously than do other types of speakers, while also using relatively more technical, diplomatic rhetoric. In addition, career incentives will make them more reluctant to criticize the United Nations. In other words, permanent representatives speak more like bureaucratic agents than like political principals. We apply text analytics to study differences across agents’ rhetoric at the United Nations General Assembly. We demonstrate marked distinctions between the speech of different types of agents, contradictory to conventional assumptions, with implications for our understandings of the interplay between public administration and agency at international organizations. Points for practitioners Delegations to international organizations do not “speak with one voice.” This article illustrates that permanent representatives to the United Nations display more characteristics of bureaucratic culture than do other delegates from the same country. For practitioners, it is important to realize that the manner in which certain classes of international actors “conduct business” can differ markedly. These differences in tone—even among delegates from the same principal—can impact the process of negotiation and debate.

Arab League

1953 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-281
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The Political ◽  
United Nations General ◽  
Arab League ◽  
United Nations General Assembly ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Arab States

The Political Committee of the Arab League met in Cairo beginning December 20, 1952, under the chairmanship of Fathy Radwan (Egypt) to discuss questions relating to Palestine and north Africa. On December 25, the committee issued a statement approving the failure of passage in the United Nations General Assembly of the resolution adopted by the Ad Hoc Political Committee calling for direct negotiations between Israel and the Arab states. The committee condemned “the mere idea of an invitation to Arabs to negotiate with the Israelis” and expressed the hope “that there would be no repetition of these attempts”.

scholarly journals Canada in the United Nations General Assembly from Trudeau to Trudeau

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Srdjan Vucetic ◽  
Bojan Ramadanovic
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Global Issues ◽  
United Nations General ◽  
The World ◽  
United Nations General Assembly ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Western European ◽  
The Government

All Canadian governments say that Canada must look to its “friends and allies” and “like-minded partners” to achieve greater cooperation on global issues. But who are these countries exactly? To gain a better understanding of where Ottawa stands in the world, with whom, and under what conditions, we analyze Canada’s voting patterns in the United Nations General Assembly from 1980 to 2017. We find that Canada’s overall record tends towards that of Western European states. We find no evidence of greater affinity with US positions either when the Democrats are in power in Washington or when the conservative parties reign in power in Ottawa. We identify a sharp pro-US turn in the Harper years, and also confirm that the government of Justin Trudeau started off by maintaining rather than reversing this trend.

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