scholarly journals Hmong-Mien Languages

Linguistics ◽  
2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Mortensen

Hmong-Mien is a compact language family of East and Southeast Asia. Its speakers are found primarily in southern China and the northern highlands of Vietnam, Thailand, Laos, and Myanmar (Burma). Most speakers of Hmong-Mien languages belong to the so-called Miao and Yao ethnicities (or nationalities). Due to geopolitical circumstances, many speakers of two Hmong-Mien languages from Laos—Hmong and Iu Mien—emigrated to Western countries (the United States, Canada, Australia, Argentina, France, French Guyana, and Germany) between 1970 and 1998, leading to the current worldwide distribution of this language family. Hmong-Mien has two primary branches: Hmongic and Mienic. Hmongic is larger (in terms of number of speakers) and has greater internal diversity. It has also been the focus of more efforts at documentation. As a result, more literature is available on Hmongic languages than Mienic languages. This bibliography represents an attempt to include as many resources on Mienic as possible but nevertheless reflects this fundamental imbalance in sources.

Author(s):  
Gerard L. Weinberg

Japan had been in open war with China since July 1937 and was continuing occasional advances against Chinese resistance. ‘Japan expands its war with China’ describes how German victories in the West in early 1940 suggested an opportunity to close off much of China's outside aid. In July 1941, Japanese forces occupied the southern part of French Indo-China, moving away from war with China to prepare attacks on territories controlled by the Netherlands, Britain, and the United States in East and Southeast Asia as well as the South Pacific. Japan's attack on Pearl Harbour in December 1941 brought the United States fully into the war, in both the Pacific and in Europe.


Author(s):  
David Shambaugh

After the end of the Cold War, it seemed as if Southeast Asia would remain a geopolitically stable region within the American imperious for the foreseeable future. In the last two decades, however, the re-emergence of China as a major great power has called into question the geopolitical future of the region and raised the specter of renewed great power competition. As this book shows, the United States and China are engaged in a broad-gauged and global competition for power. While this competition ranges across the entire world, it is centered in Asia, and here this text focuses on the ten countries that comprise Southeast Asia. The United States and China constantly vie for position and influence in this enormously significant region, and the outcome of this contest will do much to determine whether Asia leaves the American orbit after seven decades and falls into a new Chinese sphere of influence. Just as important, to the extent that there is a global “power transition” occurring from the United States to China, the fate of Southeast Asia will be a good indicator. Presently, both powers bring important assets to bear. The United States continues to possess a depth and breadth of security ties, soft power, and direct investment across the region that empirically outweigh China’s. For its part, China has more diplomatic influence, much greater trade, and geographic proximity. In assessing the likelihood of a regional power transition, the book looks at how ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations) and the countries within it maneuver between the United States and China and the degree to which they align with one or the other power.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Tijn van Beurden ◽  
Joost Jonker

Analysing Curaçao as an offshore financial centre from its inception to its gradual decline, we find that it originated and evolved in close concert with the demand for such services from Western countries. Dutch banks and multinationals spearheaded the creation of institutions on the island facilitating tax avoidance. In this they were aided and abetted by their government, which firmly supported the Antilles in getting access to bilateral tax treaties, notably the one with the United States. Until the mid 1980s Curaçao flourished, but then found it increasingly difficult to keep a competitive advantage over other offshore centres. Meanwhile the Curaçao connection had enabled the Netherlands to turn itself into a hub for international revenue flows that today still feed both Dutch tax income and specialised financial, legal and accounting services.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linh D. Vu

Abstract Exploring the construction and maintenance of Nationalist Chinese soldiers’ graves overseas, this article sheds light on post-World War II commemorative politics. After having fought for the Allies against Japanese aggression in the China-Burma-India Theater, the Chinese expeditionary troops sporadically received posthumous care from Chinese veterans and diaspora groups. In the Southeast Asia Theater, the Chinese soldiers imprisoned in the Japanese-run camps in Rabaul were denied burial in the Allied war cemetery and recognition as military heroes. Analyzing archival documents from China, Taiwan, Britain, Australia, and the United States, I demonstrate how the afterlife of Chinese servicemen under foreign sovereignties mattered in the making of the modern Chinese state and its international status.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 18-21
Author(s):  
Gerald J. Bender

In addition to our discussions today of the current situation in Angola, I would like to direct my remarks to the question of what role, if any, the United States should play with regard to Angola, and concretely, how the Congress can assist in the formulation and execution of a responsible American policy toward Angola. We have all learned a number of important lessons from recent revelations about the conduct of American policy in Southeast Asia, about Government coverups such as Watergate, corporate bribery of foreign officials and political parties, and about the illegal and unacceptable activities of the CIA as described in the Rockefeller Commission report and elsewhere. Certainly we can apply some of these lessons to our present consideration of U.S. policy toward Angola; hopefully we will learn the vital facts and ask the necessary questions now, rather than, as has too often been the case, after the fact.


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