The Role of Congress in the Development of a Responsible American Policy Toward Angola

1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 18-21
Author(s):  
Gerald J. Bender
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
Commission Report ◽  
American Policy

In addition to our discussions today of the current situation in Angola, I would like to direct my remarks to the question of what role, if any, the United States should play with regard to Angola, and concretely, how the Congress can assist in the formulation and execution of a responsible American policy toward Angola. We have all learned a number of important lessons from recent revelations about the conduct of American policy in Southeast Asia, about Government coverups such as Watergate, corporate bribery of foreign officials and political parties, and about the illegal and unacceptable activities of the CIA as described in the Rockefeller Commission report and elsewhere. Certainly we can apply some of these lessons to our present consideration of U.S. policy toward Angola; hopefully we will learn the vital facts and ask the necessary questions now, rather than, as has too often been the case, after the fact.

D3. 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT, EXCERPTS TOUCHING ON THE ROLE OF U.S. POLICY TOWARD ISRAEL IN THE 9/11 ATTACKS, WASHINGTON, DC, 28 JULY 2004.

2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 170-171
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Strategy ◽  
Government Printing ◽  
Washington Dc ◽  
Commission Report ◽  
Islamist Terrorism ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

The bipartisan commission's 565-page report was issued after many months of investigating, reviewing documents, interviewing hundreds of individuals, and hearing testimony. Much of the material concerning the actual planning of the attacks comes from captured al-Qa‘‘ida operatives, and particularly from the man identified in the report as the ““principal architect of the 9/11 attacks,”” Khalid Shaykh Muhammad (KSM), a Kuwaiti national raised in Pakistan who earned a degree in mechanical engineering in the United States. The report notes (p. 147) that according ““to his own account, KSM's animus toward the United States stemmed not from his experiences there as a student, but rather from his violent disagreement with U.S. foreign policy favoring Israel.”” The following brief excerpts touch upon the importance attached to U.S. policy toward Israel in generating the attacks. The references are both in the narrative body of the report and in the more prescriptive chapter ““What to Do?? A Global Strategy,”” where the commission offers suggestions on how the United States can ““Prevent the Continued Growth of Islamist Terrorism””; the paragraph excerpted from this forty-page chapter is the only reference to the impact of U.S. policy with regard to Israel. The excerpts appear respectively on pp. 250, 362, and 376––77 of the report. The full report is available from the U.S. Government Printing Office online at www.gpoaccess.gov/911.

The Whigs' America

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph W. Pearson ◽  
Dick Gilbreath
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The United States ◽  
Self Control ◽  
Collaborative Effort ◽  
Vast Array ◽  
Large Cities ◽  
The Past ◽  
Role Of The State

This book is about politics, exploring the general outlook of a group of Americans called Whigs. The Whigs were one of the two great political parties in the United States between the years 1834 and 1856, battling their opponents the Jacksonian Democrats for offices, prestige, and power. This book explores how Whiggish Americans understood human nature, society, and the role of the state, and explains how they reflected on the past and anticipated the future. A Whig worldview resonated with a vast array of future-looking people in large cities and small villages, in factories and on farms, and in the varied state houses across the country, as well as the in halls of Congress. The Whig Promise attracted those Americans seeking middle-class achievement, community, and meaning through collaborative effort and self-control in a world growing more and more impersonal.

Gender and Elections

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
African American Women ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Voter Participation ◽  
Depth Analysis

The fifth edition of Gender and Elections offers a lively, multi-faceted account of the role of gender in the electoral process through the 2020 elections. This timely yet enduring volume strikes a balance between highlighting the most important developments for women as voters and candidates in the 2020 elections and providing an in-depth analysis of the ways that gender has helped shape the contours and outcomes of electoral politics in the United States. Individual chapters demonstrate the importance of gender in understanding presidential, congressional, and state elections; voter participation, turnout, and choices; participation of African American women and Latinas; support of political parties and women's organizations; and candidate communication. New chapters explore the role of social movements in elections and introduce concepts of gendered and raced institutions, intersectionality, and identity politics applied to presidential elections from past to present. The resulting volume is the most comprehensive and reliable resource on the role of gender in electoral politics.

STRUGGLE OF NON-REGIONAL ACTORS FOR ITS INFLUENCES IN CENTRAL ASIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (11) ◽  
pp. 163-173
Author(s):  
Yu. V. MOROZOV ◽  
◽  
A. R. NEUSTRROEVA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Fourth Section ◽  
The Third ◽  
Policy And Strategy ◽  
American Policy

In modern conditions, Central Asia has begun to play an increasing role for non-regional actors, who are increasingly competing for a key role in this region. The first section of the article is devoted to the analysis of the significance of Central Asia and its problems. The second section analyzes American policy and strategy in the region. The third section examines China's interests and policies in Central Asia. The fourth section is devoted to the significance of the region for Russia's national interests. Conclusions concerning the role of Central Asia for the United States, China, and Russia are presented.

scholarly journals Pakistan’s Politics of Alliances and the Role of Pakistani Military in Politics (1954-1958): Uneven and Combined Development

2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Ali Jibran ◽  
Syed Ali Shah ◽  
Muhammad Bilal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Uneven And Combined Development ◽  
The Impact

The states have to adjust to the pressure exerted by the 'international'; yet impact of the 'international' on national politics has been ignored by mainstream international relations theories. This study uses a framework of "Uneven and Combined Development" to investigate the impact of Pakistan's inclusion in the United States led defense pacts on Pakistan military's role in domestic politics from 1954 to 1958. The central finding of this research is that the United States preferred Pakistan military over political leadership in Pakistan to checkmate communism in Asia as well as to stop communist political parties gaining power in Pakistan. By participating in these international pacts, the role of Pakistan military expanded in politics which culminated in the first martial law (1958).

Democrat, Republican, or None of the Above? The Role of Religiosity in Muslim American Party Identification

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt A. Barreto ◽  
Dino N. Bozonelos
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
The United States ◽  
Muslim Americans ◽  
Muslim American ◽  
Religious Minority ◽  
Partisan Identification ◽  
American Party

AbstractThe role of religiosity as an important predictor of partisan identification has been well researched over the years, with most of our understanding of religion focused on Christianity. However, it is not clear that religiosity operates equally for the partisan identification of non-Christian religious groups. One of the most discussed religious minority groups in the United States today is Muslim-Americans. Numbering between 2.3 million and 7 million, Muslim-Americans have been the focus of considerable debate regarding religion and American political inclusion. We argue that religiosity does influence Muslim-American party identification, however not in the same manner as with other groups. While the two major political parties encourage religiosity among Protestants, Jews, and Catholics, they are either silent or opposed to religiosity among Muslims within their parties. Thus, religiosity among Muslim-Americans may not necessarily lead to partisan identification with either Republicans or Democrats. Rather, high levels of religiosity, coupled with perceptions of discrimination against Muslims, may lead many to oppose both major political parties and instead identify with “none of the above.” This is not to say that Muslim-Americans reject civic engagement or political participation in the United States, but rather the two political parties have not carved out a space to welcome Islam, as they have for Christianity and Judaism. We examine new data from the 2007 Muslim-American Public Opinion Survey to assess the predictors of partisan identification among Muslims in the United States.

Imperial Interactivities

2020 ◽  
pp. 168-198
Author(s):  
Oliver Charbonneau
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Muslim World ◽  
Territorial Expansion ◽  
Imperial Power ◽  
Hybrid Character

This chapter considers the role of diverse interactivities in shaping the encounter in Mindanao-Sulu. It recounts how the region maintained its own culturally hybrid character despite its portrayal as a colonial backwater as it was facilitated by links to maritime Southeast Asia and the wider Muslim world. U.S. actors moved within European colonial circles. It also cites multiscalar connections that underwrote imperial power in the Southern Philippines beyond the obscuring language of American exceptionalism. The chapter highlights how the United States took possession of the Philippines from Spain during a period of rapid Euro-American territorial expansion, where imperial formations simultaneously competed with and drew from one another. It details the interaction of U.S. colonials in Mindanao-Sulu with other imperial powers as it encountered preexisting connections that stretched between and through localities, colonies, regions, and empires.

Nation Building and the Vietnam War

2005 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPHER T. FISHER
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The United States ◽  
Modernization Theory ◽  
The South ◽  
Quiet Revolution ◽  
The Vietnam War

The literature on U.S. participation in the Vietnam War has recently undergone a quiet revolution due to use of the concept of nation building. Since the early 1950s nation building has been the subtext, if not the excuse, for U.S. intervention in Southeast Asia, but in the last ten years it has also become useful as a method of inquiry. This article contends that new insights regarding the signi�cance of ideologies and paradigms, particularly modernization theory, enabled the transformation. Understanding modernization theory as an ideology broke with the tradition among diplomatic historians that minimized the role of ideas in policy decisions. It also settled longstanding questions about the nature of paci�cation as either development or counterinsurgency: Counterinsurgency and development were simply different expressions of the same impulse for the United States and the South Vietnamese.

scholarly journals Vote intent and beliefs about democracy in the United States

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 455-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kris Dunn ◽  
Judd R Thornton
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
The United States ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Party Support ◽  
Severe Punishment

Democracy is an abstract and murky concept. This is particularly apparent in the wide variety of beliefs about democracy held by publics around the globe. Within democracies, political parties often define and name themselves with reference to a particular understanding of democracy. This article focuses on this partisan division in understanding democracy. We suggest that parties will attract those who share similar beliefs about democracy. Specifically, we look at whether differences in beliefs about democracy predict party support in the United States. Examining the responses of US participants to the fifth wave of the World Values Survey, we find that differences on a number of “essential” aspects of democracy among individuals predict vote intent (and party identification). Those more likely to understand democracy as a form of government that promotes civil liberties and the redistribution of wealth to protect the vulnerable are more likely to vote Democrat. Those who report stronger associations between democracy and both religious interpretation of laws and severe punishment of criminals are more likely to vote Republican. This research reinforces the idea that policy differences between the two main parties in the United States may derive from different understandings of the role of government in society.

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