Positive Exemplar Exposure

2021 ◽  
pp. 296-323
Author(s):  
Antonya Marie Gonzalez

In adults, implicit racial bias has been linked to prejudiced and discriminatory behavior. However, implicit racial biases emerge well before adulthood; as young as age six, children have already internalized the racial attitudes of their culture. Thus, it is critical for researchers to understand how to change implicit racial bias early in development, before its negative effects compound across the lifespan. The following chapter highlights one potential method of bias reduction in childhood: exposure to positive exemplars. As this method is both scalable and child-friendly, it has the potential to be used with young children on a broader cultural level. This chapter details child-friendly methods for measuring bias change and provides two examples of studies that have successfully employed positive exemplar exposure to reduce children’s implicit racial bias. I conclude the chapter with recommendations for future use of this intervention cross-culturally, as well as broader cultural applications.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonya Marie Gonzalez

In adults, implicit racial bias has been linked to prejudiced and discriminatory behavior. However, implicit racial biases emerge well before adulthood; as young as age six, children have already internalized the racial attitudes of their culture. Thus, it is critical for researchers to understand how to change implicit racial bias early in development, before its negative effects compound across the lifespan. The following chapter highlights one potential method of bias reduction in childhood: exposure to positive exemplars. As this method is both scalable and child-friendly, it has the potential to be used with young children on a broader cultural level. This chapter details child-friendly methods for measuring bias change and provides two examples of studies that have successfully employed positive exemplar exposure to reduce children’s implicit racial bias. I conclude the chapter with recommendations for future use of this intervention cross-culturally, as well as broader cultural applications.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 273-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jordan G. Starck ◽  
Travis Riddle ◽  
Stacey Sinclair ◽  
Natasha Warikoo

Schools are heralded by some as unique sites for promoting racial equity. Central to this characterization is the presumption that teachers embrace racial equity and teaching about this topic. In contrast, others have documented the ongoing role of teachers in perpetuating racial inequality in schools. In this article, we employ data from two national data sets to investigate teachers’ explicit and implicit racial bias, comparing them to adults with similar characteristics. We find that both teachers and nonteachers hold pro-White explicit and implicit racial biases. Furthermore, differences between teachers and nonteachers were negligible or insignificant. The findings suggest that if schools are to effectively promote racial equity, teachers should be provided with training to either shift or mitigate the effects of their own racial biases.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Fuller

This article investigates whether implicit racial biases have significant discriminatory effects. To this end, it evaluates meta-analyses of studies on measures of implicit bias and behavioral effects to which they are correlated. On balance, I maintain, the best interpretation of these meta-analyses and relevant surrounding research supports the conclusion that implicit racial biases are significantly correlated to racially biased behaviors, with effects that are consequential at both the individual and group levels. This conclusion is compatible with, but does not entail, the proposition that implicit racial biases in fact cause such effects. In consequence, I consider the contribution implicit bias research might make to our best accounts of racial discrimination and inequality on both a casual and non-causal construal. I argue it is plausible that research on implicit racial bias, on either construal, will play a substantive role in such accounts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-73
Author(s):  
Peggy Shannon-Baker

Understanding how we form and maintain implicit racial biases can help identify how to disrupt them. With this goal in mind, mixed and multi-method research approaches offer researchers the ability to combine various methodological approaches to explore the formation, experiences, and impact of implicit racial bias. This article therefore provides a critical descriptive systematic review of empirical mixed and multi-method studies on implicit bias and race. This review is based on the following research questions: (a) What are the theoretical and methodological features among empirical studies on race and implicit bias that use mixed or multi-method approaches? and (b) what are the opportunities for theoretical and/or methodological expansion in this literature? The criteria for inclusion in the review are the use of a multi-method (e.g., qualitative and quantitative) or mixed method (e.g., integrating qualitative and quantitative) approach in an empirical study, implicit racial bias is the main or one of the main concepts being studied, and the work (published or unpublished) was dated 1995-2019. The studies in this review often had no theoretical framework or one that did not center race. This is noteworthy because race-specific theoretical frameworks can be used to contextualize the study of implicit bias and race in racism, to define race, and to align with the following important features of mixed and multi-method studies: substantiating the use of multiple methods, prioritizing one or more methodological approaches, analyzing and integrating data, and reflecting on the researcher’s own positionality.


2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (12) ◽  
pp. 1748-1756 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle van Ryn ◽  
Rachel Hardeman ◽  
Sean M. Phelan ◽  
Diana J. Burgess PhD ◽  
John F. Dovidio ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Willem Hendrik Gravett

The centrality of race to our history and the substantial racial inequalities that continue to pervade society ensure that "race" remains an extraordinarily salient and meaningful social category.  Explicit racial prejudice, however, is only part of the problem.  Equally important - and likely more pervasive - is the phenomenon of implicit racial prejudice: the cognitive processes whereby, despite even our best intentions, the human mind automatically classifies information in racial categories and against disfavoured social groups. Empirical research shows convincingly that these biases against socially disfavoured groups are (i) pervasive; (ii) often diverge from consciously reported attitudes and beliefs; and (iii) influence consequential behaviour towards the subjects of these biases. The existence of implicit racial prejudices poses a challenge to legal theory and practice. From the standpoint of a legal system that seeks to forbid differential treatment based upon race or other protected traits, if people are in fact treated differently, and worse, because of their race or other protected trait, then the fundamental principle of anti-discrimination has been violated. It hardly matters that the source of the differential treatment is implicit rather than conscious bias. This article investigates the relevance of this research to the law by means of an empirical account of how implicit racial bias could affect the criminal trial trajectory in the areas of policing, prosecutorial discretion and judicial decision-making.  It is the author's hypothesis that this mostly American research also applies to South Africa. The empirical evidence of implicit biases in every country tested shows that people are systematically implicitly biased in favour of socially privileged groups. Even after 1994 South Africa – similar to the US – continues to be characterised by a pronounced social hierarchy in which Whites overwhelmingly have the highest social status. The author argues that the law should normatively take cognizance of this issue.  After all, the mere fact that we may not be aware of, much less consciously intend, race-contingent behaviour does not magically erase the harm. The article concludes by addressing the question of the appropriate response of the law and legal role players to the problem of implicit racial bias.


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