Epilogue: The Pulse Nightclub Massacre and the Queer Potential of Memorialization

2019 ◽  
pp. 149-166
Author(s):  
Brett Krutzsch

The epilogue moves past the period of 1995 to 2015 to consider responses to the 2016 Pulse Nightclub shooting in Orlando, Florida that left forty-nine people, predominantly LGBT people of color, dead. In the wake of the massacre, legislators at each end of the political spectrum used the shooting to advance their own political agendas, from advocating for stricter gun laws, to lobbying for policies that would restrict Muslims from entering the United States, to creating awareness of the unique vulnerabilities of LGBT people of color. As the largest mass killing of LGBT Americans in U.S. history, the shooting, and the myriad political responses to the tragedy, revealed the precarious position of many LGBT people even after the purported victory of “marriage equality” one year earlier. The epilogue also offers possibilities for how to engage in memorialization in ways that promote greater awareness of, and space for, gender, racial, religious, and sexual diversity.

2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 339-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Steinmetz

The widespread embrace of imperial terminology across the political spectrum during the past three years has not led to an increased level of conceptual or theoretical clarity around the word “empire.” There is also disagreement about whether the United States is itself an empire, and if so, what sort of empire it is; the determinants of its geopolitical stance; and the effects of “empire as a way of life” on the “metropole.” Using the United States and Germany in the past 200 years as empirical cases, this article proposes a set of historically embedded categories for distinguishing among different types of imperial practice. The central distinction contrasts territorial and nonterritorial types of modern empire, that is, colonialism versus imperialism. Against world-system theory, territorial and nonterritorial approaches have not typi-cally appeared in pure form but have been mixed together both in time and in the repertoire of individual metropolitan states. After developing these categories the second part of the article explores empire's determinants and its effects, again focusing on the German and U.S. cases but with forays into Portuguese and British imperialism. Supporters of overseas empire often couch their arguments in economic or strategic terms, and social theorists have followed suit in accepting these expressed motives as the “taproot of imperialism” (J. A. Hobson). But other factors have played an equally important role in shaping imperial practices, even pushing in directions that are economically and geopolitically counterproductive for the imperial power. Postcolonial theorists have rightly empha-sized the cultural and psychic processes at work in empire but have tended to ignore empire's effects on practices of economy and its regulation. Current U.S. imperialism abroad may not be a danger to capitalism per se or to America's overall political power, but it is threatening and remaking the domestic post-Fordist mode of social regulation.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (03) ◽  
pp. 599-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Plazek ◽  
Alan Steinberg

AbstractRecent actions in Congress that threaten political science funding by the National Science Foundation (NSF) have caught the attention of political scientists, but this was not the first attack and not likely to be the last. Less than one year ago, the Harper government ended the Understanding Canada program, an important source of funding for academics in the United States and abroad. This article stresses the value of the program and the importance of this funding steam by demonstrating what the grants have done both more generally as well as for the authors individually. In addition, by looking at the political process that led to the end of the Understanding Canada program and the similarities in the attacks on NSF political science funding, this article identifies potential reasons why these funds were and are at risk. We conclude by arguing that normative action in support of political science is a necessity for all political scientists.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-76
Author(s):  
Ellen Lippman ◽  
Martin McMahon

ABSTRACT The start of the United States Civil War in 1861 necessitated an increase in the U.S. military force from a population of approximately 16,000 men just prior to the beginning of the war to 700,000 men in less than one year. By the completion of the war four years later, an estimated 2,000,000 soldiers fought for the Union. The dramatic increase in manpower required a rapid response to supply the soldiers with clothing, equipment, and food. This paper analyzes the procurement process and its challenges during the early years of the war, from the initial rush to obtain a large number of supplies when established purchasing procedures were ignored, to the implementation of formalized internal controls and the adoption of the False Claims Act that was used to punish frauds carried out by procurement officers and outside contractors. This paper considers the political influences affecting procurement and finds that politics played only a small role in procurement, although a greater role in oversight of the procurement department.


1969 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonard B. Rosenberg

It is not surprising that the United States produced a Socialist Party; it would be astonishing if one had not developed. American history is filled with radical and protest parties, ranging through every shade of the political spectrum and sharing the conviction that the major parties did not or would not represent their particular interests.


Author(s):  
Gregory A. Barton

The movement to maintain the influence of the countryside and of farmers in particular dominated political thought in England and the United States throughout most of the nineteenth century, and still influenced millions into the mid-twentieth century. Aspects of agrarianism, romantic farm literature, and its many variants on the continent of Europe—including biodynamics and German biological farming—all can be seen as building blocks that merged with the organic farming protocols pioneered by Albert Howard (discussed further in later chapters). The reaction against industrialism must be understood as both a cultural and a political movement. This explains why—though socialist and leftist thinkers of all stripes also shared agrarian ideals—the main arguments against the effects of industrialism were from those on the right of the political spectrum.


2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donatella Galella

The two white male cosponsors, a Democrat and a Republican, dressed as King George and Hamilton, respectively, as they rapped the resolution in the state senate. InHamilton, chief creator Lin-Manuel Miranda stakes out space for an immigrant from the Caribbean who was in the room where the United States of America was founded. Based on Ron Chernow's biography,Hamiltonfollows the struggles and successes of Alexander Hamilton in a story largely told by his nemesis, Aaron Burr. The musical opened Off-Broadway at the Public Theater in 2015 and subsequently moved to Broadway. With its Founders Chic historical approach, hip-hop aesthetic, and multiracial cast, this Broadway blockbuster has earned substantial commercial and critical acclaim from across the political spectrum. Former President Barack Obama joked, “Hamilton, I'm pretty sure, is the only thing Dick Cheney and I agree on.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4(73)) ◽  
pp. 29-32
Author(s):  
A.S. Abramyan

The purpose of the article is to identify the main measures of populists to combat the removal of COVID 19 on the example of the United States of America and Italy. The study analyzes populist leaders across the political spectrum coped with the COVID-19 outbreak. The observation shows how, in the example of the United States, Italy such as their optimistic bias and complacency, ambiguity and ignorance of science. The study analyzes the measures taken by the Italian government and the US President. The results of the research allow us to use its materials and theoretical results primarily in political science. They can also be used in the development of specialized courses on modern globalization processes, political leadership, party development, and multiculturalism policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-372
Author(s):  
DANIEL K. WILLIAMS

Is American Evangelicalism a politically progressive tradition? For contemporary observers who are familiar with American Evangelicalism only in its modern, politically conservative guise, the idea that many American Evangelicals have traditionally been on the left end of the political spectrum might come as a surprise. Yet, according to Randall Balmer's Evangelicalism in America and Frances Fitzgerald's The Evangelicals, both of which offer two-hundred-year surveys of Evangelical political activism in the United States, the Christian Right is an aberration in American Evangelicalism and not representative of the tradition's political orientation.


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