A formal approach to Romanian DOM

2021 ◽  
pp. 188-230
Author(s):  
Virginia Hill ◽  
Alexandru Mardale

Chapter 7 adopts a cartographic representation of nominal phrases that provides the basis on which a formal analysis is developed for Romanian DOM. The gist is that the triggers for DOM operate within the nominal domain in Romanian (as in Sardinian and unlike Spanish), which accounts for the insensitivity of Romanian verbs to marked versus unmarked direct objects in the derivation of verb argument structures. Any additional processing of the DOM-ed DP on the verb spine responds to side-effect requirements for feature checking (e.g., the secondary licensing in Irimia 2019). This is in contrast with Spanish DOM, where the main trigger for DOM is merged on the verb spine, and it acts as a probe for a certain type of DP (i.e., those with an extra-layer at the left periphery).

Author(s):  
Wim Vanderbauwhede

AbstractFortran is still widely used in scientific computing, and a very large corpus of legacy as well as new code is written in FORTRAN 77. In general this code is not type safe, so that incorrect programs can compile without errors. In this paper, we present a formal approach to ensure type safety of legacy Fortran code through automated program transformation. The objective of this work is to reduce programming errors by guaranteeing type safety. We present the first rigorous analysis of the type safety of FORTRAN 77 and the novel program transformation and type checking algorithms required to convert FORTRAN 77 subroutines and functions into pure, side-effect free subroutines and functions in Fortran 90. We have implemented these algorithms in a source-to-source compiler which type checks and automatically transforms the legacy code. We show that the resulting code is type safe and that the pure, side-effect free and referentially transparent subroutines can readily be offloaded to accelerators.


2019 ◽  
pp. 102-175
Author(s):  
D. Gary Miller

Nominative is the case of most subjects but not all subjects are nominative. So-called quirky subjects (as in dative absolutes) serve as binders for anaphors. There is no special case for topics, which are generally indicated by movement of some constituent to the left periphery. Although the vocative was largely lost as a morphological category, it remained syntactically distinct. The accusative is used for direct objects, cognate objects, secondary predicates, perlatives, and allatives. The genitive is plurifunctional. Adverbal and partitive genitives pattern together, as do adnominal and relational. The polyfunctional dative syncretizes the Indo-European dative, locative, ablative, and instrumental. Verbs with oblique case complements generally passivize with nominative subjects, but with double object verbs, the oblique case remains in passive structures.


Author(s):  
Inass Announi

This paper attempts to investigate word order and verbal movement in Moroccan Arabic in the Minimalist framework. We observe that the unmarked word order in MA is SVO while the derived structure is VSO. SVO follows an English-like derivation where the subject moves from [Spec, vP] to [Spec, TP] whilst the verb moves from v to T. This paper raises the issue of the verbal movement when it comes to VSO order in languages that have VSO as the derived order and SVO as the underlying order. To derive VSO, we propose that the verb moves from T to Focus based on pragmatic reasons: verbs positioned in the left-periphery denote new information that is focused compared to SVO. We also test our new proposal against the marginal word orders OSV and OVS and propose that object topicalization is the result of the object moving to [Spec, TopicP] which dominates FocusP. Moreover, we go back to the issue of verbal movement and trace the verbal cyclic movement. We argue that the verb moves from V to v based on the position of the adverb. The verb further moves to T based on the quantifier evidence and feature checking: Focus and T form a complex and probe into v to check [TNS] and [V] features. Moreover, T-to-Focus occurs in wh-constructions except when /lli/ ‘that’ is present. In WH-VO (WH as a wh-subject), the verb stays in T while the wh-subject stays in [Spec, TP]. If /lli/ ‘that’ is present, then the wh-subject is forced to move further to [Spec, FocusP]. In WH-SV, the wh-elements move to [Spec, FocusP] while the subject moves to [Spec, TopicP] and the verb moves to Topic. In WH-VS, the wh-elements move to [Spec, FocusP] while the verb moves to Focus.


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wei-Tien Dylan Tsai

Abstract As far as the left periphery is concerned, there is a conspiracy between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics to ensure the success of sentence formation. We would like to put forth the claim that peripheral features play an important role in this endeavor, which can be checked by either Merge or Move according to the parameter-settings of individual languages. Along this line, topic prominence can be regarded as the result of peripheral feature checking, and the null topic hypothesis à la Huang (1984) is reinvented as a null operator merger to fulfill interface economy in the left periphery. In this regard, Chinese provides substantial evidence from obligatory topicalization in outer affectives, evaluatives, and refutory wh-constructions, which applies only when the licensing from a D(efiniteness)-operator is blocked. The idea also extends naturally to the issues concerning pro-drop and bare nominals in general. In this light, we may well compare Chinese obligatory topicalization to those residual cases of verb-second (V2) in English, all being manifestation of the strong uniformity.


1996 ◽  
Vol 135 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Papadavid ◽  
J. Yell ◽  
T.J. Ryan
Keyword(s):  

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