Suppressing Opium and “Reforming” Minorities: Antidrug Campaigns in Ethnic Communities in the Early People’s Republic of China

Author(s):  
Zhou Yongming

In China, the term minority nationalities is used to refer to all ethnic groups that are not Han Chinese. According to the 2000 census, a total of 55 minority nationalities numbered in total 106 million people, or 8.4 percent of the total population in the mainland (Zhu 2001). However, the size and composition of minority nationality populations in China is extremely heterogeneous. In terms of population, based on the 1990 census, the smallest, the Lhoba, numbered only 2,312, whereas the most populous, the Zhuang, were 15.5 million strong (National Statistics Bureau 2000: 38). Socially and culturally speaking, the differences among the minority nationalities are large: Some are hunter-gatherers or slash-and-burn cultivators, whereas others are highly sinicized Chinese-speaking groups like the Hui and the contemporary Manchu. Minority nationalities are spread all over China, and 90 percent of them live in mountainous areas (Li 1994: 72). Because of this geographic distribution, isolated minority areas became safe havens for poppy planting and opium production, especially after the opium suppression campaign of 1906–1911 by the Qing dynasty (1644–1911). In most cases, opium was introduced into minority communities in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. Opium’s effects on minority communities have varied considerably. Generally speaking, there have been three possible types of effects. First, members of some minorities have become addicted to opium but relied on others to obtain the opium supply. Second, members of other minority groups have acted mainly as poppy cultivators and raw opium suppliers but have been less involved in consumption and trafficking. Last, members of yet other minority groups have become involved not only in poppy planting but also in opium trafficking and consumption. Opium has thus come to play an important role in a minority’s social and economic lives in those areas affected by the drug. By exploring how antidrug campaigns were carried out in the Jiayin Erlunchun community in northeast China and the Liangshan Yi and Aba Tibetan areas in southwest China, I will explore all three types of the effects of drugs on minority communities up to the late 1950s. The People’s Republic of China was established in 1949. To Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communists, drugs were remnants of capitalist and feudal culture and had no place in the new China to which they looked forward.

1987 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 156-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Hoberman

In the decade following the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, the People’s Republic of China has experienced a cultural and ideological transformation unprecedented in the history of communist societies. Sport, like the arts, is a political subculture that expresses prevailing ideological trends; for this reason, the new modernization in China has mandated a new ideological interpretation of sport. Contrary to appearances, the ideological content of Maoist sport doctrine has actually been retained in post-Maoist sport ideology. What has changed is the relative degree of emphasis accorded specific ideological elements, so that these two doctrinal phases may be analyzed in terms of dominant and recessive traits. The four primary ideological variables examined in this study are competition, high-performance sport and record-setting, sportive ethics, and scientific sport.


Asian Survey ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-322 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Hoddie

Abstract This study identifies contrasts that exist between majority and minority respondents to a national survey conducted during 1993 in the People's Republic of China. It finds that members of China's minority communities prove less forthcoming when participating in survey interviews in comparison to individuals belonging to the Han majority.


1980 ◽  
Vol 83 ◽  
pp. 535-550 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. F. Price

This paper is intended to serve as a contribution to the study of school textbooks in the People's Republic of China, and, in particular, as a first look at such books since the Cultural Revolution and the death of Chairman Mao Zedong. Because of the nature of the sample it makes no claim to being definitive. But the near-impossibility of obtaining such books abroad and the dominant role they play in the Chinese classroom give the subject some importance.


Author(s):  
Delia Davin

Mao Zedong (b. 1893–d. 1976) was one of the most remarkable political leaders of the 20th century, an all-powerful leader in China, and a major world figure. His career as a Communist revolutionary lasted fifty-five years. Half this time was spent in revolutionary struggle, and half, after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, in the struggle to build a revolutionary state. Mao’s rise to leadership was gradual: starting as an obscure Communist Party functionary, he was in turn a labor organizer, a guerrilla commander, and a leader in the Communist base areas before finally becoming chairman of the party in 1943. As the unchallenged leader of the new People’s Republic of China in 1949, with his colleagues Mao began the revolutionary transformation of China through land reform, collectivization, industrialization, and the comprehensive politicization of daily life. Under Mao’s leadership the country was unified and began a process of modernization and industrialization that would allow it to become a major power after his death. However, within a few years of taking power, Mao began to suspect his colleagues of backsliding and refusing to recognize the danger to socialism that he believed a new elite would pose. His disputes with them convulsed China and dominated the last twenty years of his life. His efforts to achieve his vision of a China that was both egalitarian and prosperous failed and ultimately visited enormous suffering on his people. Moreover, his ruthlessness toward his opponents and his cynical exploitation of his cult of personality during the Cultural Revolution disillusioned many of his followers. His successors reversed Mao’s policies, seeking a new legitimacy for the party state in improved standards of living, achieved through a return to a marketized economy. Mao’s life and record still spark great interest inside and outside China. The large and growing literature on Mao covered in this article includes biographies, monographs on almost every aspect of his life and work, assessments of his legacy, and multivolume editions of his writing. Mao scholars struggle to come to terms with his legacy. He has been portrayed by some as China’s redeemer and by others, as a monster. Chinese appraisals are inevitably affected by the official line that he was a great revolutionary leader who made very serious errors. Late-20th- and early-21st-century Western scholarship tends to insist on Mao’s complexity and his many dimensions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-73
Author(s):  
Yordan Gunawan

People’s Republic of China is allegedly committed racial discrimination toward Uyghurs for the last few years. Uyghurs is one of the minority ethnics who live in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) China. The Chinese government builds re-education camp for Uyghurs and being detained even imprisoned without a proper legal procedure. The research aims to know the implementation of Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and the Responsibility to Protect Perspective in Uyghurs case. The study employed normative legal research with Statute Approach and Case Approach. By using qualitative descriptive method, the study elaborated on how China upholds the minority rights through the implementation of ICERD, and how the international law perspective in the context of responsibility to protect Uyghur case is. The result shows that China has not been successfully implementing ICERD toward minority groups because in practice China does racial discrimination toward Uyghurs. Also, China fails to implement the first pillar of Responsibility to Protect (R2P), where China should protect its citizen from any kind of mass atrocity crimes.


1981 ◽  
Vol 87 ◽  
pp. 518-527 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S. G. Goodman

The Sixth Plenum of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) met in Beijing from 27 to 29 June 1981. On its agenda were two items: changes in the highest-level leadership of the CCP, and the “ Resolution on certain questions in the history of our party since the founding of the People's Republic of China.” ‘ Though the Plenum's decisions to a large extent confirmed and made official trends and policies that had become apparent during most of the previous year, they were nonetheless remarkable. The western press has, not unsurprisingly, focused on the replacement of Hua Guofeng by Hu Yaobang as Chairman of the CCP's Central Committee. However, the Plenum's reassessment of the Party's history since 1949; of the roles of Mao Zedong, Hua Guofeng and other CCP leaders; and of the nature of Mao Zedong Thought, are undoubtedly of greater significance in terms of the development of the People's Republic of China (PRC): as indeed is the fact of Hua Guofeng's demotion rather than his outright dismissal or “ purge.”


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document