Fulke Greville, Lord Brooke as Interregnum and Restoration Author

Author(s):  
Nigel Smith

This chapter explores the significance of the appearance of Greville’s Life of Sidney in 1651 and his Remains, the poetic treatises on monarchy and religion in 1670. The Life of Sidney appeared as in favour of mixed monarchy held up by a virtuous aristocracy against the tyranny of the interregnum government, while the Remains offers virtuous, consultative monarchy, fully invested in ‘popularity’, against tyranny and in full favour of toleration. This complex picture stands against the dark machinations of the Cabal government in 1670, in which Charles II played off his Privy Council advisers one against another. Greville’s poems are a very Protestant poetic attack upon various kinds of idolatry, so that they line up well with the iconoclasm of Milton’s Paradise Lost, which had recently appeared, and not at all well with the indubitably royalist, conformist identity of their publisher.

1999 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 498-522
Author(s):  
C. S. L. DAVIES

In 1564 Artus de Cossé-Brissac, bishop of Coutances in Normandy, was a member of a French diplomatic mission to Queen Elizabeth. He took the opportunity to assert a claim to exercise episcopal jurisdiction in the Channel Islands. The claim was less preposterous than it might appear, since Coutances's jurisdiction in the islands had been acknowledged throughout Henry viii's reign, and again in that of Mary. Queen and Privy Council took the 1564 claim seriously enough to demand a response from the islanders. After a good deal of prevarication on their part, the crown eventually ruled against the bishop's claim, on the grounds, as argued by the islanders, that they were subject to the bishop of Winchester. In the event, Winchester was not to enjoy its newly rediscovered rights for long. The islands were already in the process of establishing their own churches, using French Calvinist forms of worship and a fully synodical system of church government. From 1576 the islanders governed themselves without reference to episcopal authority, which was not to be re-established, in Jersey, until the reign of James i, and in Guernsey that of Charles ii. When challenged the islanders defended their position by claiming that they were indeed part of the diocese of Coutances, and that they were following the best practice of the reformed churches in that diocese.This story is well established in outline, largely through the labours of island historians, but above all through the work of two impressive nineteenth-century French historians. A. J. Eagleston made accessible a good deal of this work, including his own researches, but unfortunately his book had to be posthumously published and is therefore rather piecemeal. D. M. Ogier has now published a valuable study of the Reformation in Guernsey. It traces the internal history in depth, stressing the conservatism of the bulk of the population and skilfully elucidating the crucial question of ecclesiastical property, before going on to its main concern, the impact of the Presbyterian discipline on island society. Although Ogier acknowledges the significance of relations between the English crown and various French parties in explaining events, he does little to elucidate these interactions; nor does he display much interest in the personalities involved in his story. This article will attempt to explain both the reluctance of successive English governments to challenge the rights of the bishop of Coutances, and the apparent inability of the Elizabethan government to prevent French Protestant refugees moulding the island churches in their own image. It will also look at some of the leading figures involved, most notably one John Aster, dean of Guernsey, a prime mover in the events of the 1560s, whose career in military administration before his ordination at the age of fifty has not been noticed; and more generally it will emphasise the link between militant Protestantism and the worlds of diplomacy and espionage.


Author(s):  
Koji Yamamoto

This chapter moves from the case study of Chapter 4 to a more general investigation into England’s projecting culture after the Restoration of Charles II in 1660. Drawing on the French concept of convention, it brings together a range of projects promoted and discussed in printed tracts, Privy Council meetings, parliamentary debates, and meetings and publications of the Royal Society. Writers now toned down religious language. Memories of early Stuart projects and grievances dissuaded the restored monarchy and other vigilant actors from pursuing schemes that required extensive compulsion or coercion. This was how the preference shifted decisively towards mobilizing people’s benign desire for emulation, profit, and comfort, a new economic convention that drew squarely on changing attitudes towards human desire, on increasing colonial trade, and on the rising purchasing power of labourers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 135 (572) ◽  
pp. 29-62
Author(s):  
Allan Kennedy

Abstract Historians have begun to think about the emergence of the early modern ‘state’ in complex and creative ways, far from the conventional focus on overweening central bureaucracies. One component of this discourse is the role of criminal law and criminal prosecution, which, it has been argued (particularly by English scholars), assisted state-forming processes by providing a universal interface between ruler and ruled, and by demarcating common patterns of behaviour. This paper attempts to apply these ideas to the case of early modern Scotland—whose decentralised legal system and reputation for judicial barbarity has tended to discourage research—through detailed analysis of the judicial activities of the Privy Council. Focusing on the reigns of Charles II and James VII & II, the paper assesses the Council’s theoretical competence as a criminal court, and also reconstructs its day-to-day activities in terms of the kinds of cases tried, the varieties of punishment imposed, and the use of alternative mechanisms such as judicial commissions. The paper argues that the Restoration Privy Council was clearly able to utilise its judicial powers as a state-building tool, despite the general diffuseness of judicial authority in Scotland. It is suggested, therefore, that the Scottish data confirms the utility of criminal prosecution in early modern projects of state formation, underlining historians’ need to conceptualise the process in broad, multi-faceted terms.


1976 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 333-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie Chree O'Malley

Considerable scholarly attention has been paid to the origins of political parties in England during the reign of King Charles II. Yet the fact that a prominent courtier and member of the king's own family, Prince Rupert, was also a leader of the opposition or “country” party has frequently been overlooked by historians. J. R. Jones, for example, in The First Whigs, fails to mention the prince, and even Rupert's biographer, Eliot Warburton, has dismissed the last decade in his subject's life by saying that, after 1673, the ailing prince was too ill to play a role in English government.But Prince Rupert was, in fact, very active politically in the two decades following the Restoration. He sat in the House of Lords as duke of Cumberland and served on parliamentary committees. He had a seat on the Privy Council and was a member of all four of its standing committees. Rupert was often selected to serve the crown: as special emissary to his friend, Emperor Leopold I, in 1661 with the task of preventing an Anglo-imperial rupture over the marriage of King Charles to a Portuguese princess; as England's representative in negotiations with Denmark in 1669 and Brandenburg in 1670; as joint admiral of the fleet during the second Anglo-Dutch War, and de facto commander of the fleet during the third conflict with the United Provinces. Although the prince became openly critical of the royal government as early as 1667 and, by 1673, had allied with Anthony Ashley Cooper, first earl of Shaftesbury, to form an opposition group, the future country or Whig party, he also retained many ties with the court.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 322-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Anderson ◽  
Russel J Reiter

As data emerges on the pathophysiological underpinnings of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus (SARS-CoV)-2, it is clear that there are considerable variations in its susceptibility and severity/fatality, which give indications as to its pathophysiology and treatment. SARS-CoV-2 modulatory factors include age, vitamin D levels, cigarette smoking, gender and ethnicity as well as premorbid medical conditions, including diabetes, cancer, obesity, cardiovascular disease, and immune-compromised conditions. A complex picture is emerging, with an array of systemic physiological processes interacting including circadian, immune, intestinal, CNS and coagulation factors. This article reviews data on SARS-CoV-2 pathoetiology and pathophysiology. It is proposed that a decrease in pineal and systemic melatonin is an important driver of SARS-CoV-2 susceptibility and severity, with the loss of pineal melatonin's induction of the alpha 7 nicotinic acetylcholine receptor (α7nAChR) in pulmonary epithelial cells and immune cells being a powerful regulator of susceptibility and severity, respectively. Stress, including discrimination stress, and decreased vitamin D also regulate SARS-CoV-2, including via gut dysbiosis and permeability, with a resultant decrease in the short-chain fatty acid, butyrate, and increase in circulating lipopolysaccharide. Stress and cytokine induction of the kynurenine pathways, leads to aryl hydrocarbon receptor activation, which primes platelets for heightened activity, coagulation and thrombin production, thereby driving elevations in thrombin that underpin many SARS-CoV-2 fatalities. On the basis of these pathophysiological changes, prophylactic and symptomatic treatments are proposed, including the use of melatonin and α7nAChR agonism. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 334-354
Author(s):  
Zach Bates

Due to its status as a territory under the joint rule of Egypt and Britain, the Sudan occupied an awkward place in the British Empire. Because of this, it has not received much attention from scholars. In theory, it was not a colony, but, in practice, the Sudan was ruled primarily by British administrators and was the site of several developmental schemes, most of which concerned cotton-growing and harnessing the waters of the Nile. It was also the site of popular literature, travelogues and the most well-known of Alexander Korda's empire films. This article focuses on five British films –  Cotton Growing in the Sudan (c.1925), Stark Nature (1930), Stampede (1930), The Four Feathers (1939) and They Planted a Stone (1953) – that take the Sudan as their subject. It argues that each of these films shows an evolving and related discourse of the region that embraced several motifs: cooperation as the foundation of the relationship between the Sudanese and the British; Sudanese peoples in conflict with a sometimes hostile landscape and environment that the British could ‘tame’; and the British being in the Sudan in order to improve it and its people before leaving them to self-government. However, some of the films, especially The Four Feathers, subtly questioned and subverted the British presence in the Sudan and engaged with a number of the political questions not overtly mentioned in documentaries. The article, therefore, argues for a nuanced and complex picture of representations of the Sudan in British film from 1925 to 1953.


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