Introduction

Author(s):  
Brian R. Doak ◽  
Carolina López-Ruiz

In this introductory chapter the editors speak to the relevance of the Phoenicians as active cultural, economic, and political agents in ancient Mediterranean history. The Phoenicians are the constantly underrated, even marginalized “third party” in a story written as a tale of Greek and Roman success in the Mediterranean world. But it is no exaggeration to say that the world that the Greeks and Romans experienced, and to some extent the world we live in today, would have been quite different had the Phoenicians not existed. The editors stress the need for an updated overview stemming from the multiple countries and disciplines that have advanced our study of the Phoenicians in recent decades. They also lay out the rationale behind this Handbook, its organization, and its goals.

Author(s):  
Paul A. Rahe

This introductory chapter considers the implications of the aftermath of the Persian Wars. Prior to Sparta's defeat of the Persian army, there was every reason to suppose that the Greek resistance would collapse and that Hellas would soon fall. When the dust had settled, however, it gradually dawned on all concerned that affairs had undergone a decisive change; and everyone in and on the periphery of the Mediterranean world began to reassess. That such a turn of events could take place—that a ragtag navy and militia, supplied by tiny communities hitherto best known for their mutual hostility, should annihilate an armada greater than any the world had ever known—this was then and remains today both a wonder and an occasion for rumination. But this chapter shows that such an incredible outcome had its own issues. The unity displayed by the Hellenes during the war was unprecedented, after all. Whether or not this alliance would hold after the war, however, became a great cause for concern for those living in the postwar world.


1971 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 270-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. William Skinner

Our repertoire of concepts and theories concerning peasantries has been built up through contributions from scholars working in many parts of the world. Latin Americanists and India-wallahs, in particular, have played a major role in the development of models, but we have also heard from specialists in Indonesia, Japan, Europe, the Mediterranean world, and even Africa. But where is China in all this ? Why are students of the world's largest peasantry silent? In part, it is because we are so few and too preoccupied with our own peasants to have time for anybody else's. More to the point, however, the whole body of inherited anthropological wisdom concerning peasantries seems somehow alien and irrelevant to students of Chinese society.


2000 ◽  
Vol 120 ◽  
pp. 86-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia Montiglio

The wandering philosopher is best known to us as a Romantic ideal that projects one's longing for physical and mental withdrawal. Rousseau's ‘promeneur solitaire’ does not cover great distances to bring a message to the world. His wanderings, most often in the immediate surroundings, rather convey spiritual alienation. But the ‘promeneur solitaire’ is not the only kind of wandering philosopher known in Western culture. Itinerant philosophers existed already in antiquity. During the Roman empire, many sages wandered all over the Mediterranean world. They went about for the sake of intellectual and spiritual enrichment, but essentially to spread their teaching and to intervene in local quarrels as religious consultants. Wandering connoted their ambiguous status in society—both in and out—and thereby enhanced their charisma and endowed them with an aura of superior power.


Author(s):  
Antonio Ignacio Molina Marín

The myth of Heracles was modified through the ages and rewritten in accordance with the needs of each period. Given that Heracles was a liminal hero, every time the limits of the world were extended, the spaces Heracles was believed to have reached changed too. Heracles is not satisfied with merely knowing and observing the inhabited world, with controlling it through knowledge; rather, he is a transformer and an alterer of spaces. More than an explorer of the world’s geography, he is a creator of it, and a force of nature in this regard. He is a symbol of Hellenism but also a unifier of Greeks with other peoples, and indeed a unifier of the Mediterranean world in particular.


1980 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Reid

Maritime Southeast Asia is one of those parts of the world destined by geography to be an international marketplace. Not only is it the largest of the world's archipelagos, penetrated throughout by sea and river, it also lies athwart one of the major international trading routes, between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean on the one hand and China and Japan on the other. These factors have always given to maritime Southeast Asia a role akin to the Mediterranean world, in which sea-borne trade was the vital factor in urban growth and in political power. In addition, however, Southeast Asia was the principal source of the items in greatest demand in the world's markets in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries — pepper, cloves, nutmeg, and camphor.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-326
Author(s):  
Megan Cassidy-Welch

Abstract This essay introduces a group of essays that together explore the entanglement of gender and emotions in the medieval period, with a special interest in the Mediterranean. Focusing on the practices of crusading, pilgrimage, friendship and diplomacy from the twelfth to the fifteenth century, the essays reveal some of the many modes of human connection across the Mediterranean and beyond. These connections were informed by multiple factors – political, economic, social, religious and cultural. Considering the interplay of gender and emotions deepens our understanding of the complexity of the Mediterranean world and gives us fresh insights into the relationships that stretched across the sea itself, its many and diverse communities, and its cultures of belief and thought.


Ramus ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 42 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 64-88
Author(s):  
Rebecca Futo Kennedy

The frequent assumption that they [the Persians] were as greatly concerned on these levels [historically, culturally, strategically] with Greece [as they were with the east] is a misconception which stems from our own western view of the world and from the unfortunate fact that Greece has given us our main literary sources of information on the Achaemenids. It was the Greeks who were fascinated by Persia, by Persian mores, and, yes, by Persian court art and luxury goods—not the reverse. If only the Persians had spawned the likes of Aeschylus and Herodotus, our perceptions of their preoccupations would be quite different.Athenians were indeed fascinated by Persia as their art and literature attest. The fascination was both cultural and political, but not without tensions. Part of that fascination manifested itself in the allure of Persian kings and what they represented. The kings ruled over a vast empire, larger than any the Mediterranean world had yet seen. They sought in their iconography and building programmes to exert a particular identity for themselves and the Achaemenid dynasty. Although the Athenians were not imperialists of the type we see in Persia, Rome or the figure of Alexander, they did build for themselves a small, Hellenic empire (archē) and they adopted a number of Persian mechanisms of power and some aspects of Achaemenid iconography for representing their power. Aeschylus' Persians, produced in 472 BCE, helps us understand the Athenians' developing archē, specifically how the representations of the two Persian Kings in the play helped the Athenians differentiate and define their power vis-à-vis the Great Persian Menace and, more importantly, the rest of the Greeks. By understanding better the engagement by the Athenians with Persian culture, we can better understand how the Athenians conceptualised their own power and position in the Aegean in the early 5th century BCE.


Author(s):  
Miguel Alberto Novoa Cipriani

This study exposes the need for a revised new model for the History of the Pacific to dispel two ideas presented in the topic’s literature; the first being that the easternrim (Western Hemisphere) of the Pacific Basin had no substantial interaction with the Pacific Ocean prior to the arrival of European explorers, and the second that the onlymethod to write a history of the Pacific World is to focus on the trans-Pacific interactions in this planet’s largest body of water. Due to the complexity of this endeavor, thetheoretical foundation for this research is the classical model on Mediterranean History—the first waterbody-centered regional framework—after the historian Fernand Braudel,in The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (1975), as well as the theoretical schemes of the historians Peregrine Horden and Nicholas Purcell, asfound in The Corrupting Sea: A Study of Mediterranean History (2000).


1917 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 201-211
Author(s):  
Theodore H. Robinson

In proportion to their numbers the Semitic peoples have exercised a greater influence on the course of human history as a whole than any other of the large races of mankind. As far as our records carry us, it appears that the early spirit of exploration and adventure, as distinct from racial migration, had its origin with them. Even in Homeric times, the Phoenician trader or pirate was a familiar feature of the Mediterranean world. Greece, commonly regarded by us as the home of true culture, admitted that she owed to Phoenicia her first introduction to the art of writing. Semitic establishments were spread over the whole of the ancient world, and the only state that ever seriously contested with Rome the sovereignty of the world was Carthage. Though not famed more for military prowess than other races, the Semitic branch of mankind in the seventh century of our era swept over northern Africa and western Asia, overflowing at two points into Europe itself.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document