Baal in Hellas

1917 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 201-211
Author(s):  
Theodore H. Robinson
Keyword(s):  
Northern Africa ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
Ancient World ◽  
Human History ◽  
Western Asia ◽  
Mediterranean World ◽  
The World ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
Races Of Mankind

In proportion to their numbers the Semitic peoples have exercised a greater influence on the course of human history as a whole than any other of the large races of mankind. As far as our records carry us, it appears that the early spirit of exploration and adventure, as distinct from racial migration, had its origin with them. Even in Homeric times, the Phoenician trader or pirate was a familiar feature of the Mediterranean world. Greece, commonly regarded by us as the home of true culture, admitted that she owed to Phoenicia her first introduction to the art of writing. Semitic establishments were spread over the whole of the ancient world, and the only state that ever seriously contested with Rome the sovereignty of the world was Carthage. Though not famed more for military prowess than other races, the Semitic branch of mankind in the seventh century of our era swept over northern Africa and western Asia, overflowing at two points into Europe itself.

Chinese Peasants and the Closed Community: An Open and Shut Case

1971 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 270-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. William Skinner
Keyword(s):  
Whole Body ◽  
Chinese Society ◽  
Mediterranean World ◽  
The World ◽  
The Mediterranean

Our repertoire of concepts and theories concerning peasantries has been built up through contributions from scholars working in many parts of the world. Latin Americanists and India-wallahs, in particular, have played a major role in the development of models, but we have also heard from specialists in Indonesia, Japan, Europe, the Mediterranean world, and even Africa. But where is China in all this ? Why are students of the world's largest peasantry silent? In part, it is because we are so few and too preoccupied with our own peasants to have time for anybody else's. More to the point, however, the whole body of inherited anthropological wisdom concerning peasantries seems somehow alien and irrelevant to students of Chinese society.

Wandering philosophers in Classical Greece

2000 ◽  
Vol 120 ◽  
pp. 86-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia Montiglio
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
Western Culture ◽  
Classical Greece ◽  
Mediterranean World ◽  
The World ◽  
The Mediterranean

The wandering philosopher is best known to us as a Romantic ideal that projects one's longing for physical and mental withdrawal. Rousseau's ‘promeneur solitaire’ does not cover great distances to bring a message to the world. His wanderings, most often in the immediate surroundings, rather convey spiritual alienation. But the ‘promeneur solitaire’ is not the only kind of wandering philosopher known in Western culture. Itinerant philosophers existed already in antiquity. During the Roman empire, many sages wandered all over the Mediterranean world. They went about for the sake of intellectual and spiritual enrichment, but essentially to spread their teaching and to intervene in local quarrels as religious consultants. Wandering connoted their ambiguous status in society—both in and out—and thereby enhanced their charisma and endowed them with an aura of superior power.

Heracles and the Mastery of Geographical Space

2021 ◽  
pp. 408-417
Author(s):  
Antonio Ignacio Molina Marín
Keyword(s):  
Mediterranean World ◽  
The World ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
Geographical Space

The myth of Heracles was modified through the ages and rewritten in accordance with the needs of each period. Given that Heracles was a liminal hero, every time the limits of the world were extended, the spaces Heracles was believed to have reached changed too. Heracles is not satisfied with merely knowing and observing the inhabited world, with controlling it through knowledge; rather, he is a transformer and an alterer of spaces. More than an explorer of the world’s geography, he is a creator of it, and a force of nature in this regard. He is a symbol of Hellenism but also a unifier of Greeks with other peoples, and indeed a unifier of the Mediterranean world in particular.

Linaria yusufeliensis, a replacement name for the Turkish Linaria turcica Makbul & Hamzaoğlu (Plantaginaceae)

Phytotaxa ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 338 (1) ◽  
pp. 149
Author(s):  
ANTONIO GALÁN DE MERA ◽  
SERDAR MAKBUL ◽  
ERGİN HAMZAOĞLU
Keyword(s):  
Northern Africa ◽  
Temperate Climate ◽  
Western Asia ◽  
The World ◽  
Perennial Herbs

Linaria Miller (1754: without page) is currently included in the Plantaginaceae family. This genus consists of ca. 150 species mainly distributed in Europe, Northern Africa and Central and Western Asia, but introduced and naturalized in other regions of the world with temperate climate (Sáez & Bernal 2009). It comprises annual or perennial herbs, with flowering and non-flowering shoots. The flowers occur in bracteate racemes and have a zygomorphic corolla with a long spur, and the lower petal closing the corolla throat; winged or wingless seeds are produced in their pods (Rocio et al. 1999).

The Structure of Cities in Southeast Asia, Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries

1980 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Reid
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Mediterranean World ◽  
The World ◽  
Principal Source ◽  
International Trading ◽  
The Indian Ocean ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
The One ◽  
Trading Routes ◽  
Vital Factor

Maritime Southeast Asia is one of those parts of the world destined by geography to be an international marketplace. Not only is it the largest of the world's archipelagos, penetrated throughout by sea and river, it also lies athwart one of the major international trading routes, between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean on the one hand and China and Japan on the other. These factors have always given to maritime Southeast Asia a role akin to the Mediterranean world, in which sea-borne trade was the vital factor in urban growth and in political power. In addition, however, Southeast Asia was the principal source of the items in greatest demand in the world's markets in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries — pepper, cloves, nutmeg, and camphor.

Continuities—Personal and Institutional

2018 ◽  
pp. 201-222
Author(s):  
Jack Tannous
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Cultural Practices ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
Ancient World ◽  
Late Antique ◽  
Cultural Institutions ◽  
Christian Communities ◽  
State Dependent ◽  
The World

This chapter explores a series of continuities across a period of time—the sixth through the ninth centuries—that witnessed some of the most consequential changes in the late ancient world. In the seventh century, members of the dissident Miaphysite church were engaged in sophisticated translations from Greek into Syriac of a number of texts. These cultural efforts were undertaken apart from the Roman state. The development of cultural institutions among Middle Eastern Christian communities that existed and persisted independently from the state, and, even despite it, provided paths by which sophisticated ideas and cultural practices might be transmitted across centuries of great military upheaval and political discontinuity. What resulted is a non-state dependent bridge between the world of the late antique Roman-ruled Middle East and the world of medieval Abbasid Baghdad.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Brian R. Doak ◽  
Carolina López-Ruiz
Keyword(s):  
Third Party ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Mediterranean World ◽  
The World ◽  
Mediterranean History ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
Political Agents

In this introductory chapter the editors speak to the relevance of the Phoenicians as active cultural, economic, and political agents in ancient Mediterranean history. The Phoenicians are the constantly underrated, even marginalized “third party” in a story written as a tale of Greek and Roman success in the Mediterranean world. But it is no exaggeration to say that the world that the Greeks and Romans experienced, and to some extent the world we live in today, would have been quite different had the Phoenicians not existed. The editors stress the need for an updated overview stemming from the multiple countries and disciplines that have advanced our study of the Phoenicians in recent decades. They also lay out the rationale behind this Handbook, its organization, and its goals.

The Aegean coastlands under threat: Some coins and coin hoards from the reign of Heraclius

1962 ◽  
Vol 57 ◽  
pp. 14-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. M. Metcalf
Keyword(s):  
Regional Economy ◽  
Ninth Century ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
Byzantine Empire ◽  
East Mediterranean ◽  
The North ◽  
Coastal Cities ◽  
Western Asia ◽  
Mediterranean World ◽  
The Subject

The new Rome inherited from the old a strategic situation in the Mediterranean world that was essentially similar at the beginning of the seventh century to what it had been in the first. Persia, vetus hostis, was still a threat in the east, while in the north there was the less organized but no less persistent threat of migratory peoples pressing across the Danube. By the middle of the seventh century the Byzantine supremacy in the east Mediterranean had been destroyed, and a profound reshaping of the state had been set in train. In discussing some coins and coin hoards from the reign of Heraclius (610–41), I wish to draw attention to the place of the Aegean coastlands in the regional economy of the Byzantine Empire as it was before the Arab expansion. The revival of commerce in the provinces in the ninth century seems to have begun in the coastal cities of the Aegean: this prompts an inquiry into their importance in the sixth and seventh centuries.The second and third decades of the seventh century were a time of disaster for the Empire, when it was attacked from both the east and the north. The Persian armies conquered Syria in 611 and thereafter were able to make incursions into western Asia Minor, on occasion reaching as far as the shores of the Bosporus. Thomas Presbyter records that they carried captives away from Rhodes, while in the same year the Slavs invaded Crete. The Miracula S. Demetrii gives a graphic account of a naval blockade of Salonica by the Slavs and mentions sea raids on the whole of Thessaly and near-by places and the Greek islands which depopulated many cities and regions. The Avars, in alliance with Slavs, Bulgars, and Gepids, besieged Constantinople itself by land and sea, while the Persians occupied Chalcedon. The records of events in the first part of the reign of Heraclius are fragmentary in the extreme, and the chronology in particular has been the subject of much debate.

A Tale of Two Kings: Competing Aspects of Power in Aeschylus' Persians

Ramus ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 42 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 64-88
Author(s):  
Rebecca Futo Kennedy
Keyword(s):  
Sources Of Information ◽  
Luxury Goods ◽  
Art And Literature ◽  
Literary Sources ◽  
Mediterranean World ◽  
The World ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
Western View

The frequent assumption that they [the Persians] were as greatly concerned on these levels [historically, culturally, strategically] with Greece [as they were with the east] is a misconception which stems from our own western view of the world and from the unfortunate fact that Greece has given us our main literary sources of information on the Achaemenids. It was the Greeks who were fascinated by Persia, by Persian mores, and, yes, by Persian court art and luxury goods—not the reverse. If only the Persians had spawned the likes of Aeschylus and Herodotus, our perceptions of their preoccupations would be quite different.Athenians were indeed fascinated by Persia as their art and literature attest. The fascination was both cultural and political, but not without tensions. Part of that fascination manifested itself in the allure of Persian kings and what they represented. The kings ruled over a vast empire, larger than any the Mediterranean world had yet seen. They sought in their iconography and building programmes to exert a particular identity for themselves and the Achaemenid dynasty. Although the Athenians were not imperialists of the type we see in Persia, Rome or the figure of Alexander, they did build for themselves a small, Hellenic empire (archē) and they adopted a number of Persian mechanisms of power and some aspects of Achaemenid iconography for representing their power. Aeschylus' Persians, produced in 472 BCE, helps us understand the Athenians' developing archē, specifically how the representations of the two Persian Kings in the play helped the Athenians differentiate and define their power vis-à-vis the Great Persian Menace and, more importantly, the rest of the Greeks. By understanding better the engagement by the Athenians with Persian culture, we can better understand how the Athenians conceptualised their own power and position in the Aegean in the early 5th century BCE.

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