Climate Change

Author(s):  
Clive Hamilton

Greenhouse gases emitted anywhere affect people everywhere, and they will do so for a very long time. Progress on an international response to climate change has been bedeviled by ethical, political, and economic fractures, highlighting the severe limitations of the Westphalian state system. Non-state actors have played a crucial role in negotiations; some are “internationalist,” whereas others are “globalist.” Climate change is inseparable from capitalism’s insatiable appetite for growth. The rise of China destabilizes previous understandings of the world, including those of global studies and world-systems analysis. There are signs of a new cosmopolitanism, although securitization of the climate threat works against it. The globality of the natural world calls for a rethinking of global studies.

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-291
Author(s):  
Ien Ang

This article reflects on the state of cultural studies today. It asks to what extent cultural studies can move with the times, now that we live in a radically altered world dominated by global challenges such as climate change, the rise of China, and technological transformation. It points to the importance of focusing on cultural studies’ institutional and material conditions of possibility if it is to continue to exist as a distinct intellectual field.


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 365-385
Author(s):  
Vincent H. Shie ◽  
Chih-Yuan Weng

Abstract In an article in Perspectives on Global Development and Technology (PGDT), Kwangkun Lee revisits the debate on whether the semiperiphery is persistent or short-lived in the long-term historical structure. Lee concludes that semiperipheries only have a brief lifespan due to their (assumed) polarizing tendency. We provisionally agree with Lee’s conclusion, but we diverge in our reasoning for upholding this hypothesis. Proponents of the World-Systems Theory claim that an intermediate group of states stabilizes the world-economy. For instance, Giovanni Arrighi posits that the semiperiphery will be persistent in the longue durée. But in our view, the rise of China will ultimately destabilize the so-called constant stratum of the semiperiphery.


2005 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 715-733 ◽  
Author(s):  
arthur waldron

the rapid economic and military development of china over the decades since the death of mao zedong in 1976 are already changing asia and the world. but what are the longer-term implications of this rise? even in china itself there seems to be disagreement. thus current president hu jintao and his brains trust have advanced the term ‘peaceful rise’ [heping jueqi] in an apparent effort to reassure neighbours who are increasingly troubled not only by china’s increasing economic clout, but by her military strength as well. hence, china’s rising is taken for granted – and has been for a long time. the classic introduction to the modern period, by immanuel hsu and now in its sixth edition, has been titled, for thirty five years, the rise of modern china.


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-562
Author(s):  
Andrew Watt

This article focuses on China and its impact on the European Union economy, labour markets and workers. It is widely claimed that, faced with competition from countries such as China, Europe needs radical reform of its economic and social institutions in order to remain ‘competitive’. This article presents two main theses. The first is that Europe remains, to a far greater extent than is commonly supposed, ‘master of its own destiny’ and the various actors should tailor their policies accordingly. The second is that one must beware of simply extrapolating from past trends. China's development trajectory is changing and will do so further, opening up opportunities for, as well as posing threats to, Europe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Harryanto Aryodiguno

During the Suharto era, which began after the anti-Chinese riots in 1965 as a result of the deterioration of the relation between Indonesia and China, forced policies of assimilation was adopted for curtailing the Chinese culture and to control Chinese-Indonesians. Yet, anti-Chinese sentiments remained, and attacks against them reached its climax in May 1998, when anti-Chinese riots recurred because of the allegation that Chinese-Indonesians had an advantageous economic status, and they were the culprit that brought financial crisis to Indonesia. The May 1998 riot ended Suharto’s era, and Chinese Indonesians saw improvement in their position and condition. Now, they strive to find their own identity and political status. Their efforts to do so were also influence by the rise of China. That is why, this paper aims at examining whether the reintroduction of Chinese cultural celebrations into Chinese-Indonesian community would result in the demise of policies of assimilation. It also examines whether the rise of China would propel them to establish a closer identification with the People’s Republic of China. How do Chinese-Indonesians view their identity? How do they choose this identity and their political inclinations? These are the research questions this paper is going to answer. The findings show that the status of the Chinese in Indonesia is divided into two groups. The first group is the one who is determined to break away from Chinese identification, and the second group is the one that still maintains their Chinese culture.


2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 975-993
Author(s):  
Rachel Vanderhill ◽  
Sandra F Joireman ◽  
Roza Tulepbayeva

Abstract Kazakhstan has followed a foreign policy of multivector diplomacy since its independence from the former Soviet Union. While multivectorism was a strategy of necessity in its early years, it has evolved to empower Kazakhstan to effectively protect its independence and negotiate its relationship with the great powers on its borders and further afield. After the 2014 Russian seizure of Crimea it is noteworthy that Kazakhstan has maintained positive relations with Russia while asserting its sovereignty and independent foreign policy. In this article we investigate how Kazakhstan has negotiated the rise of China, taking advantage of the economic opportunities it presents. We trace the foreign policy of Kazakhstan from independence forward, examining its relationships with its Great Power neighbours and its role in international organizations and negotiations. We posit that multivectorism is similar to the strategy of omni-enmeshment and complex balancing seen in south-east Asia. Both are effective methods for secondary powers to protect their sovereignty and to coexist with Great Powers without becoming their client states. Kazakhstan's approach to foreign policy is an exemplar for secondary states. This article contributes to the literature on the strategic decision-making of secondary powers and to the theoretical analysis of the foreign policy of Kazakhstan during a critical moment of transition from the long-time rule of Nursultan Nazarbayev to the presidency of Kassym-Jomart Tokayev.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 711-728 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason C. Mueller ◽  
Steven Schmidt

World-systems analysis (WSA) understands socio-cultural phenomena as fundamental to the operation of global capitalism, whether through geocultures that sustain centrist liberalism, the emergence of capitalist subjectivities, or by generating structures of knowledge that bound political possibilities. Nonetheless, many scholars critique WSA’s treatment of culture as reductive and epiphenomenal. How can we theorize culture’s relationship to global capitalism without assuming that culture merely “dupes” participants into reproducing exploitative structures? In this article, we offer a critical evaluation of WSA’s treatment of culture and argue that its alleged failings can be ameliorated by adopting a cultural political economy (CPE) framework, an analytical approach that has developed separately from WSA. To do so, we outline WSA’s major theorizations of culture; namely, its discussion of global geocultures and structures of knowledge. Departing from existing critiques of WSA, we discuss the applicability of CPE, which examines how discourses both influence and are shaped by the material world. Using anti-systemic movements, populism, and race-making in the world-system as examples, we demonstrate how a CPE-oriented approach permits WSA to address its major cultural critiques. Broadly, we call for a theoretical co-mixing of CPE and WSA, allowing researchers to address the alleged cultural failings of world-systems scholarship.


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