Complementarity and Convergence?

Author(s):  
Naureen Chowdhury Fink ◽  
Alison Davidian

This chapter analyses the gender dimension of terrorism and counterterrorism efforts. It explores women’s roles as both supporters and preventers of terrorism. It tracks the increasing incorporation of gender in the counterterrorism strategy of the United Nations and the growing focus on the intersections between the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) and countering terrorism agendas. The chapter suggests that the WPS Agenda and the countering violent extremism program are convergent and complementary. At the same time, counterterrorism measures have had gendered collateral effects and continue to utilize gender stereotypes. The chapter provides suggestions for what a more gender-sensitive approach would mean for counterterrorism efforts.

Author(s):  
Sri Wiyanti Eddyono ◽  
Sara E. Davies

This chapter examines recent attempts to apply evolving ideas regarding women’s empowerment, leadership, and participation to the issue of preventing and countering violence extremism (P/CVE). Incorporation of the central tenants of the women, peace, and security agenda in the UN Security Council Resolution on P/CVE and the 2016 Global Strategy for Countering and Preventing Terrorism and Violent Extremism has been a crucial and welcome development. The Global Strategy promotes the integration of a gender perspective across the framework and a more targeted, specific focus on gender equality and women’s empowerment within high-risk situations. Moreover, as this chapter demonstrates, the Global Strategy acknowledges the diversity of women’s roles and their agency in different areas, particularly in the more private and less public spaces. This chapter argues that private spaces and relationships can be sources of power to secure peace and security. It suggests that more effort is needed to enhance, support, and upscale women’s human rights activities and organizations that seek to address the issues of P/CVE. Finally, this chapter concludes that the international community needs to recognize, respect, and support women’s roles in interfaith communities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-64
Author(s):  
Christian Guillermet Fernández ◽  
David Fernández Puyana

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) increasingly emphasises the need for a comprehensive approach to countering the spread of terrorism and violent extremism. In its Resolution 2178 (2014), the UNSC encourages member statesm to engage with relevant local communities and non-governmental actors in developing strategies to counter the violent extremist narrative that can incite terrorist acts. The role played by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights in the struggle against terrorism is really important. The African approach to human rights has decisively contributed to understanding, preventing and countering this phenomenon. In this line, Article 23(1) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Charter) states that all peoples shall have the right to national and international peace and security, as well as the principles of friendly relations among states, which form the basic foundation of the African Union. The African Charter does not contain enough directives to aid the enforcement of the right. The African Charter limits the whole question of peace to ensuring that an asylum-seeker does not engage in subversive activities against the country of origin or any other State Party to the African Charter, and provides a prohibition to the use of the territory of a member state for subversive or terrorist activities. Finally, on 18 November 2016, the Third Committee of the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted the Declaration on the Right to Peace, whose preambular section not only deeply deplored all acts of terrorism, but also stressed that all measures taken in the fight against terrorism must be in compliance with the obligations of states under international law.


ICL Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Otto Spijkers

AbstractA constitution defines the values of a particular community, and establishes institutions to realize these values. In defence of the argument that the United Nations Charter is the world’s constitution, I will try to show that it contains the shared values and norms of the international community, and that the UN’s organs are tasked with the promotion and protection of the shared values and norms as defined in the UN Charter. The focus is on the values of human dignity and peace and security.


Author(s):  
Михаил Елизаров

Born out of the ashes of the Second World War, the United Nations has made a major contribution to maintain international peace and security. Based on common goals, shared burdens and expenses, responsibility and accountability, the UN helped to reduce the risk of a repetition of a Word War, to reduce hunger and poverty, and promote human rights. But today, the legitimacy and credibility of the UN have been seriously undermined by the desire of some countries to act alone, abandoning multilateralism. So, do we need the UN today?


Author(s):  
Esam Elden Mohammed Ibrahim

The International Court of Justice had the opportunity to establish the principles of international humanitarian law and restrict the use or threat of nuclear weapons, on the occasion of its fatwa, on the legality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons at the request of the United Nations General Assembly, after realizing that the continued development of nuclear weapons exposes humanity to great risks, and its request It states, "Is the threat or use of nuclear weapons in any circumstance permissible under the rules of international law" (Atalm, 1996), (Shahab, 2000), Therefore, the comment seeks to answer the question: What is the legality of possession, production and development of nuclear weapons? What is the extent of the legality of the threat to use it in light of the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice in this regard? Was the decision of the International Court of Justice in favor of documenting the principles of international humanitarian law and international human rights law? Or was it biased in its decision to the interests of a particular class itself? The researcher used in that descriptive, descriptive and critical analytical method, and the results that lead to criticism of the work of the International Court of Justice in this regard were reached on the premise that they tended towards tipping the political nature of the issue presented to it under the pressures and directions of the major nuclear states and this strengthens my criticism to the United Nations that I see It only works for the benefit of the major powers under the auspices of the Security Council by veto (right to veto) at a time when the Security Council itself is responsible for maintaining international peace and security, just as it can be said that the United Nations does not work for the benefit of mankind but works for the five major countries Even with regard to nuclear weapons Regardless of whether or not there was a threat to international peace and security. From this standpoint, the researcher reached several recommendations, the most important of which is the necessity of the independence of the International Court of Justice in its work from the political considerations of member states, especially the major countries, as a step to establish and support international peace and security in a practical way in practice. The United Nations should also reconsider what is known as a veto, which is and it is rightly one of the most important and most important measures that truly threaten international peace and security.


2001 ◽  
Vol 92 (1) ◽  
pp. 251-252
Author(s):  
Lloyd B. Lueptow

Hosoda and Stone note that role theory leads to the prediction that changes in women's roles should be followed by changes in gender stereotypes; however, having described changes in roles and observed stability in stereotypes, they do not draw the conclusion that their results are inconsistent with role theory.


Author(s):  
Laura J. Shepherd

This chapter outlines the architecture of the Women, Peace, and Security agenda at the United Nations. Building on the explanation of the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 provided earlier in the volume, it explores the meanings of “women,” “peace,” and “security” that are constructed through the WPS policy framework. The chapter traces the continuities and changes to the central concepts in the resolutions and reflects on the implications of these representational practices as they affect the provisions and principles of the WPS agenda in practice. Moreover, the chapter draws out the key provisions of each resolution to explore the tensions that have arisen over time regarding the types of energy and commitment that have become manifest in the architecture supporting WPS implementation. This in turn enables a brief analysis of likely future directions of WPS practice and a comment on the ways in which Security Council dynamics might affect and effect certain possibilities while excluding or proscribing others.


1969 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 534-550 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Lapidoth

Members of the United Nations have conferred upon the Security Council “primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security” and have agreed “that in carrying out its duties under this responsibility the Security Council acts on their behalf” (article 24 of the U.N. Charter). The question may be asked whether the Security Council lived up to this responsibility during the May 1967 crisis in the Middle East which preceded the Six Day War. Did the Security Council do everything in its power to avoid the clash, and what were the reasons for its failure to avert the crisis?In order to be able to evaluate the Council's stand, it will be necessary to recall summarily the developments which led up to the hostilities of June 1967, as well as the Security Council's powers under the Charter of the U.N.


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