One Step Forwards, Two Steps Back: Women’s Rights 20 Years after the Good Friday Agreement

2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 461-481 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Pierson
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wawan Suriadi ◽  
Shahrul Mizan Bin Ismail

Indonesia as a legal state has ratified several instruments of international law in order to protect women's rights. But restraint and violations of women's rights are still common. In East Nusa Tenggara, high dowry or Belis often trigger violence against women. This is triggered by the perception that the transfer of women's rights when the dowry or Belis has been paid by the men to the women’s family who ultimately give the ability and arbitrariness of men to commit acts of violence. So, the purpose of this study is to review more comprehensively how the practice of giving Belis or dowry in terms of international law and analyze the extent to which international and national law provides protection for the rights of women who are victims of violence. This research is legal doctrinal research using qualitative method. This research was conducted in literature by studying legislation at the national and international level, books, articles, journals, scientific reports related to the issues studied. From this study, it was found that the practice of giving Belis in the form of dowry in marriage is a cultural practice that is also protected by domestic and international law as part of the way of life or cultural rights. Acts of violence in the form of restraint on women's rights due to the repayment of Belis is a violation of women's human rights. So that these two things must be seen from two different sides. The number of national and international legal instruments does not guarantee that it can overcome the problem of violence against women. The legal culture of society in the form of high legal awareness and the willingness and commitment of the state is one step forward in order to provide protection of women's rights.


Author(s):  
Margaret M. Scull

Individuals within the Church, rather than the institution as a whole, became the main negotiators for peace after the revelations of clerical child abuse in the early 1990s. Priests like Fathers Alec Reid, Gerry Reynolds, and Denis Faul worked privately to convince paramilitary groups to lay down their weapons. The Church hierarchy was forced into a defensive position in order to protect its reputation as a moral arbiter after the child abuse revelations. The institutional Catholic Church was no longer able to play a role in the peace process by this point. However, individual priests who fostered relationships with their Protestant counterparts continued to act as negotiators for an end to the conflict. The signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement marked one step in the peace process but after this point the Catholic Church had no influence on these policies.


1999 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Molnar

Freud's translation of J.S. Mill involved an encounter with the traditions of British empirical philosophy and associationist psychology, both of which go back to Locke and Hume. The translation of Mill's essay on Plato also brought Freud into contact with the philosophical controversy between the advocates of intuition and faith and the advocates of perception and reason. A comparison of source and translated texts demonstrates Freud's faithfulness to his author. A few significant deviations may be connected with Freud's ambiguous attitude to women's rights, as advocated in the essay The Enfranchisement of Women. Stylistically Freud had nothing to learn from Mill. His model in English was Macaulay, whom he was also reading at this period.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi E. Rademacher

Promoting the ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was a key objective of the transnational women's movement of the 1980s and 1990s. Yet, few studies examine what factors contribute to ratification. The small body of literature on this topic comes from a world-society perspective, which suggests that CEDAW represented a global shift toward women's rights and that ratification increased as international NGOs proliferated. However, this framing fails to consider whether diffusion varies in a stratified world-system. I combine world-society and world-systems approaches, adding to the literature by examining the impact of women's and human rights transnational social movement organizations on CEDAW ratification at varied world-system positions. The findings illustrate the complex strengths and limitations of a global movement, with such organizations having a negative effect on ratification among core nations, a positive effect in the semiperiphery, and no effect among periphery nations. This suggests that the impact of mobilization was neither a universal application of global scripts nor simply representative of the broad domination of core nations, but a complex and diverse result of civil society actors embedded in a politically stratified world.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document