scholarly journals A Review of the State of HIV Nursing Science With Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity/Expression Peoples

2021 ◽  
Vol Publish Ahead of Print ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Craig Phillips ◽  
Jufri Hidayat ◽  
Kristen D. Clark ◽  
Julia Melisek ◽  
Monique Balthazar ◽  
...  
2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (59) ◽  
pp. 69-78
Author(s):  
David Murray

Abstract This paper presents an overview of the Canadian state’s refugee determination processes for persons lodging asylum claims in Canada on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity expression (SOGIE). Canada has an international reputation for being a welcoming nation to SOGIE (as well as other categories of) refugees, a reputation that is much promoted by the Canadian government and mainstream media. However, in my ethnographic research with SOGIE refugee claimants navigating the Canadian refugee determination process, I reveal that claimants must quickly learn how to construct an ‘authentically’ gay, lesbian, bisexual or transgender narrative that meets refugee adjudicators’ standards of credibility, or risk being identified as a ‘fake’ refugee, and thus face incarceration and/or deportation. I argue that sexuality now forms a crucial component of the nation-state’s gate-keeping apparatus, with uneven effects for queer migrants.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Malvina N. Skorska ◽  
Lindsay A. Coome ◽  
Diana E. Peragine ◽  
Madison Aitken ◽  
Doug P. VanderLaan

AbstractThe biodevelopment of psychological sex differentiation is putatively reflected in several anthropometrics. We examined eight anthropometrics in 1404 Thai participants varying in sex, sexual orientation, and gender identity/expression: heterosexual men and women, gay men, lesbian women, bisexual women, sao praphet song (transgender birth-assigned males), toms (transgender birth-assigned females), and dees (birth-assigned females attracted to toms). Exploratory factor analyses indicated the biomarkers should be analyzed independently. Using regressions, in birth-assigned males, less male-typical second-to-fourth digit ratios in the left hand were associated with sexual orientation towards men regardless of gender identity/expression, whereas shorter height and long-bone growth in the arms and legs were more evident among sao praphet song—who are both sexually oriented towards men and markedly feminine. In birth-assigned females, there were no clear sexual orientation effects, but there were possible gender-related effects. Groups of individuals who tend to be more masculine (i.e., toms, lesbians) showed more male-typical patterns on weight and leg length than some groups of individuals who tend to be less masculine (i.e., heterosexual women, dees). Thus, it appears the various anthropometrics inform separate biodevelopmental processes that differentially relate to sexual orientation and gender identity/expression depending on the measure in question as well as birth-assigned sex.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
Juliana Depiné Alves Guimarães

In 2001, Iara Bernardi, then Representative of the Labor Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores) in São Paulo, proposed Bill 122, known as the “anti-homophobia law”, with the goal of including discrimination against sexual orientation or gender identity as identified in the criminal code (in particular, Law 7716 from 1989, also known as the Racism Law). This paper presents some of the conclusions I reached while doing my PhD research investigating the journalistic coverage of Bill 122 between 2001 and 2015; the year it was filed away. This investigation was conducted based on the methodological tools from the Membership Categorization Analysis (MCA). The result of the analysis brought four analytical patterns to light, which encompass the categorizations of membership used in journalistic discourses during that period for issues such as LGBT, Bill 122 itself, homosexuality and Brazilian institutions, in which, Brazil, the Congress and the State are categorized. For the purposes of the analysis, we applied the term “conservative” to the categorizations of Congress. Em 2001, a então deputada Iara Bernardi (PT-SP) propôs, na Câmara dos Deputados, o Projeto de Lei da Câmara 122 (PLC 122), conhecido como “lei anti-homofobia”, com o objetivo de ampliar a Lei do Crime Racial (7718/1989) para incluir a discriminação por orientação sexual ou identidade de gênero. Este artigo apresenta um recorte das conclusões de minha tese de doutorado, que investigou a cobertura jornalística sobre o PLC 122, entre 2001 e 2015, quando o Projeto foi arquivado, com base na Análise de Categorização de Pertencimento (Membership Categorization Analysis). Em primeiro lugar, o artigo apresenta um panorama dos quatro padrões analíticos evidenciados pelo estudo, que englobam as categorizações de pertencimento utilizadas no âmbito dos discursos jornalísticos no período, acerca dos sujeitos LGBT, do projeto de lei em si, da prática homossexual e das instituições brasileiras, em que o Brasil, o Congresso Nacional e o Estado são categorizados. Para o exercício de análise, nos debruçamos sobre as categorizações do Congresso enquanto “conservador”. En 2001, Iara Bernardi, diputada de Partido de los Trabajadores en São Paulo, propuso el Proyecto de Ley de la Cámara 122 (PLC 122), conocido como "ley anti-homofobia", con el objetivo de incluir la discriminación por orientación sexual o identidad de género en el Código Penal, específicamente la Ley 7716, de 1989, conocida como Ley de Racismo). Este artículo presenta un recorte de las conclusiones de mi tesis doctoral, que tuvo como objetivo investigar la cobertura periodística sobre el PLC 122, entre 2001 y 2015, cuando el proyecto fue archivado, con base en la Análisis de Pertenencia Categorial (Membership Categorization Analysis). En primer lugar, el artículo presenta un panorama de los cuatro patrones analíticos evidenciados por el estudio, que engloban las categorizaciones de pertenencia utilizadas en el ámbito de los discursos periodísticos en el período, acerca de los sujetos LGBT, del proyecto de ley en sí, de la práctica homosexual y de las instituciones brasileñas, en que Brasil, el Congreso Nacional y el Estado son categorizados. Para el ejercicio de análisis, nos ocupamos de las categorizaciones del Congreso como "conservador".


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