Transformative e-governance and innovation: challenges and impact of mass contact program of chief minister of Kerala 2013-15

Author(s):  
Gopakumar
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
R.V. Vaidyanatha Ayyar

This chapter offers a vignette of the policy and administrative environment in which a State Education Department has to function. It describes the challenge of administering a mammoth regulatory system, of managing relationship with Chief Minister, politicians, and Vice-Chancellors, and managing teacher unions the crippling burden of litigation, and the establishment of the country’s first State Council of Higher Education. It also explores questions such as: What is a university? Should an institution encompass almost all significant branches of knowledge, combine teaching and research, and be engaged in the creation of knowledge if it were to be called a university? Can a university promote arts and culture? How is a woman’s university different? What could be the State-level mechanism for regulation of and coordination among universities? Should private participation in the expansion of access be encouraged, and if so how? What should be the policy towards minority education institutions?


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rakesh Ankit

Ousted as Premier, Jammu and Kashmir, in August 1953 and anointed as Chief Minister in February 1975, the so-called ‘Lion of Kashmir’ Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah was imprisoned, in between these years, ultimately on charges of treason, with brief intermissions. Much has been written about the politics of Kashmir dispute, less so about the Sheikh and his personal troubles especially after the death of his friend Jawaharlal Nehru in May 1964. This somewhat overshadowed decade of his life, in comparison with his hey-days of 1947–1953, shows the kind of settlement in Kashmir that the government of Indira Gandhi was willing to consider. More interestingly, it shows how Sheikh Abdullah was willing to agree to it and provides the context in which he moved from being in a conflictual relationship with New Delhi to becoming, once again, a collaborator in Srinagar in 1975, thereby showcasing the limits of Abdullah’s politics and popularity.


1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Carlton

On the afternoon of Thursday, the 10th of June 1540, a squad of Yeoman of the Guard burst into the Council Chamber in Westminster Hall, and arrested Thomas Cromwell, Henry VIII's chief minister. They escorted him out through a postern to a boat waiting at Westminster Steps, rowed him down the Thames, and through Traitors' Gate into the Tower of London. Within this gaunt prison Cromwell was held till the early morning of July 28th, when the Yeoman marched him to Tower Hill to be executed for treason, heresy, bribery, and misuse of power. He climbed the scaffold, and addressed the crowd. He had come here to die, he confessed, and not to justify himself. He was a grievous wretch, who sought God's pardon. He had offended the King, and asked the crowd to pray that Henry VIII would forgive him. Finally, Cromwell insisted that he would die a Catholic, and that he had never waivered in a single article of the Catholic faith. Then, after a short prayer commending his soul to the Almighty, Cromwell laid his head on the block, and, as John Foxe records, “patiently suffered the stroke of the axe” swung “by a ragged and butcherly miser [who] very ungodly performed the office.”So died one of England's greatest statesmen—the architect of the Reformation and the Tudor Revolution in Government. Just as his career has been the source of much historical debate, the events of the last seven weeks of his life, from his arrest to his execution, and his scaffold address especially, have been an irritant of contradiction and confusion.


Author(s):  
I Made Suastika ◽  
I Ketut Jirnaya ◽  
I Wayan Sukersa ◽  
Luh Putu Puspawati

<p>The story of the Pandawas and their wife in Wirata was used as the plot of the <em>geguritan Kicaka</em>which was initially transformed from <em>Wirataparwa</em> in the form of <em>Parwa</em>. The only episode which was transformed into <em>geguritan</em> written in the Balinese language is the one narrating when the Pandawas were in disguise for one year. In this episode the love story of their wife, Drupadi, who was disguised as Sairindriis also narrated. In this episode it is also narrated that the Chief Minister, Kicaka, would like to have her as his wife. However, the Chief Minister, Kicaka, was killed by Bima, who was disguised as Ballawa, meaning that the love story came to an end. From the language point of view, the episode telling that the Pandawas were in Wirata was transformed into <em>Geguritan Kicaka</em> written in the Balinese language. In addition, although the text was dynamically translated, many Old Javanese words are still used in the Balinese version.</p><p>Similarly, <em>geguritan Sarpayajaya </em>adopted the episode of <em>Sarpayajnya</em> of <em>Adiparwa</em>; however, the plot was modified again using thestrophes <em>pangkur, dangdanggula</em>, <em>sinom</em> and <em>durma</em> and was introduced using the Balinese language. It is narrated that King Parikesit was bitten and killed by a snake named Taksaka. Consequently, his son, Janamejaya, performed a ritual known as <em>Sarpayajaya</em>, causing all the snakes to die. From the cultural point of view, the text is recited as part of the performing art and the art of music ‘magegitan’ in Bali. The text <em>Sarpayajaya</em>isrecited as part of the cremation ceremony ‘ngaben’ known as <em>mamutru</em>.</p>


Significance Each of these states except Punjab has a government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Punjab is one of just three states with a chief minister that belongs to India’s main opposition Congress party. Impacts A poor showing by Congress would further reduce its leverage with other opposition parties in talks over forming a broad anti-Modi alliance. Victory in UP would enhance Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s national profile. Election campaigning will likely lead to a spike in COVID-19 cases.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-104
Author(s):  
Alex Metcalfe

This essay examines the practice of messaging and the sending of note-form missives. It does so from the particular perspective of the medieval western Mediterranean where evidence for messages not only shows their importance as fast and direct forms of communication, but also points to their formative role in later historical memory. The article has a dual focus: first it examines the notes sent between the Fatimid caliph and his chief minister, Jawdhar, before turning to explore the use of messaging during the Norman conquest of Sicily.


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