Power struggle and pork barrel politics in authoritarian countries: Evidence from China

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-150
Author(s):  
Nan Gao ◽  
Pinghan Liang ◽  
Lixin Colin Xu
Keyword(s):  
Power Struggle ◽  
Pork Barrel

Enlisting the ODD Child: How to move beyond the power struggle

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Levine
Keyword(s):  
Power Struggle

Medieval Irish Courtly Love Poetry : An Exercise in Power-Struggle ?

1982 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
Grace Neville
Keyword(s):  
Courtly Love ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Love Poetry

SEC Division of Corporation Finance Monitoring and CEO Power

2013 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaoyan Cheng ◽  
Lei Gao ◽  
Janice E. Lawrence ◽  
David B. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Governance Structure ◽  
Securities And Exchange Commission ◽  
Theoretical Research ◽  
Ceo Power ◽  
Power Struggle

SUMMARY Section 408 requires the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) to review the filings of all SEC registrants every three years. Our study investigates this SEC monitoring role and differs from past SEC research by focusing on the SEC Division of Corporation Finance (DCF) rather than the Division of Enforcement and specifically on DCF's “review and comment” monitoring role. We rely on past theoretical research in management, finance, and accounting that provides us with arguments suggesting the DCF may target companies with strong CEOs and weak monitoring. Our findings cast light on the power struggle between the board and CEO by suggesting that the CEO's influence over the board may adversely affect board oversight. In addition, our results indicate that the DCF-prompted restatements lead companies to re-evaluate their governance structure.

Aurora Floyd

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Elizabeth Braddon
Keyword(s):  
Young Woman ◽  
Wilkie Collins ◽  
Mary Elizabeth Braddon ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
First Marriage ◽  
The Feminine ◽  
Lady Audley's Secret

abstract ‘With Lady Audley’s Secret, Mary Elizabeth Braddon had established herself, alongside Wilkie Collins and Mrs Henry Wood, as one of the ruling triumvirate of ‘sensation novelists’. Aurora Floyd (1862–3), following hot on its heels, achieved almost equal popularity and notoriety. Like Lady Audley, Aurora is a beautiful young woman bigamously married and threatened with exposure by a blackmailer. But in Aurora Floyd, and in many of the novels written in imitation of it, bigamy is little more than a euphemism, a device to enable the heroine, and vicariously the reader, to enjoy the forbidden sweets of adultery without adulterous intentions. Passionate, sometimes violent, Aurora does succeed in enjoying them, her desires scarcely chastened by her disastrous first marriage. She represents a challenge to the mid-Victorian sexual code, and particularly to the feminine ideal of simpering, angelic young ladyhood. P. D. Edward’s introduction evaluates the novel’s leading place among ‘bigamy-novels’ and Braddon’s treatment of the power struggle between the sexes, as well as considering the similarities between the author and her heroine.

scholarly journals I Don’t Like It Unless It’s for Me: Voters’ Perceptions of Pork-Barrel Politics in Central and Eastern Europe

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Michal Tóth ◽  
Miroslav Nemčok ◽  
Peter Spáč
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Pork Barrel

The Power-Struggle between Don Quixote and Sancho: Four Crises in the Development of the Narrative

2007 ◽  
Vol 84 (7) ◽  
pp. 837-858 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin Williamson
Keyword(s):  
Don Quixote ◽  
Power Struggle

scholarly journals Authoritarian Populism in Indonesia: The Role of the Political Campaign Industry in Engineering Consent and Coercion

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110278
Author(s):  
Inaya Rakhmani ◽  
Muninggar Sri Saraswati
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequalities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Young Voters ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
The People

All around the globe, populism has become increasingly prominent in democratic societies in the developed and developing world. Scholars have attributed this rise at a response to the systematic reproduction of social inequalities entwined with processes of neoliberal globalisation, within which all countries are inextricably and dynamically linked. However, to theorise populism properly, we must look at its manifestations in countries other than the West. By taking the case of Indonesia, the third largest democracy and the largest economy in Southeast Asia, this article critically analyses the role of the political campaign industry in mobilising narratives in electoral discourses. We use the Gramscian notion of consent and coercion, in which the shaping of populist narratives relies on mechanisms of persuasion using mass and social media. Such mechanisms allow the transformation of political discourses in conjunction with oligarchic power struggle. Within this struggle, political campaigners narrate the persona of political elites, while cyber armies divide and polarise, to manufacture allegiance and agitation among the majority of young voters as part of a shifting social base. As such, we argue that, together, the narratives – through engineering consent and coercion – construct authoritarian populism that pits two crowds of “the people” against each other, while aligning them with different sections of the “elite.”

Preface

1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. v-vi ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles F. Furtado
Keyword(s):  
Structural Reform ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Small Minority ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The World ◽  
Ultimate Outcome

The world changed on August 19, 1991. On that date, a self-styled “Emergency Committee” of conservative Politburo members attempted to derail and reverse the process of structural reform that had started some six years earlier under the sponsorship of Mikhail S. Gorbachev. The coup backfired two days later because its leaders misunderstood a central political fact of life after perestroika—namely, that political events could no longer be scripted to suit the changing tastes of the party elitte. While the plotters probably suspected as much—indeed, that was one of the reasons why they initiated the coup in the first place—their mistake was in overestimating their capacity to put a stop to this “state of anarchy.” While the vast majority of Soviet citizens acted precisely as the Emergency Committee expected them to—with utter indifference to the ultimate outcome of this elite power struggle—a small minority did not. It was this opposition, not only in the streets, but within party, military, and security organs, that defeated the coup and ushered in the momentous changes that we are experiencing today.

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