Strategi Kampanye Joko Widodo dan Ma'ruf Amin dalam Debat Calon Presiden pada Tahun 2019

This article aims to describe the political campaign strategy of Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin in the presidential candidate debate in the 2019 presidential election. The problem is focused on the campaign strategy carried out by the PDI-P party to support the political debate agenda against the presidential candidates Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin. In order to approach this problem, Nursal's theoretical reference is used to use the theory of political campaign strategy. The selection of this theory in this study is because it is more suitable to describe the findings of political campaign strategies for the candidate pairs Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin in the 2019 presidential candidate debate that can attract sympathy or gain support as described in the preliminary study. The data were collected through interviews and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that in the implementation of the presidential candidate debate in the 2019 presidential election, the political campaign strategy applied by PDI Perjungan to support Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin, one of which is the marketing of political products through the mass media. First, strengthen the material. Second, observing the target and determining the target for the political debate. Third, approach the media throughout the media, including media that are affiliated and unaffiliated.

Populism, Twitter, and Political Communication

ABSTRACT – The main objective of this paper is to understand populism and its relationship with social media, in particular, to analyze the official Twitter account of the former presidential candidate of Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro. This paper starts with a theoretical review of the definition of populism presented by classic authors such as Boyte and Riessman (1986) and Bell (1992), and by more contemporary authors such as Mudde (2004), Panizza (2005), and Müller (2016). This article also seeks to identify whether the key characteristics of populism were present in the political campaign narratives. Starting from a qualitative and quantitative analysis of content shared on Twitter, we identified populist messages in Bolsonaro’s election campaigns, particularly ones that tend to blame the elites and trigger society’s fears. RESUMO – O principal objetivo deste artigo é compreender o populismo e a sua relação com as redes sociais, em particular, analisar a conta oficial do Twitter do então candidato a presidente do Brasil Jair Bolsonaro. Partindo de um levantamento teórico sobre a definição do populismo, desde autores clássicos como Boyte e Riessman (1986) e Bell (1992), até outros da atualidade como Mudde (2004), Panizza (2005) e Müller (2016), o artigo procura, também, entender se as características-chave do populismo estiveram presentes nas narrativas da candidatura de Bolsonaro. Partindo de uma análise qualitativa e quantitativa do conteúdo partilhado no Twitter, demonstrou-se a presença de mensagens populistas nas campanhas deste político, em particular numa dimensão relacionada com a culpabilização das elites e o instigar dos medos da sociedade. RESUMEN - El objetivo principal de este trabajo es comprender el populismo y su relación con las redes sociales, en particular, analizar la cuenta oficial de Twitter del entonces candidato a la presidencia de Brasil Jair Bolsonaro. Partiendo de una revisión teórica de la definición de populismo, desde autores clásicos como Boyte y Riessman (1986) y Bell (1992), hasta otros de la actualidad como Mudde (2004), Müller (2016) y Panizza (2005), el artículo busca, además, comprender si las características clave del populismo estuvieron presentes en las narrativas de la candidatura de Bolsonaro. A partir de un análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo del contenido compartido en Twitter, se demostró la presencia de mensajes populistas en las campañas de este político brasileño, particularmente en una dimensión relacionada con la culpabilización de las élites y la instigación de los miedos de la sociedad.

Russia’s Vaccine Diplomacy in Central Europe: Between a Political Campaign and a Business Project

Drawing on the concept of vaccine diplomacy, the article analyses Russia’s efforts to promote its Sputnik V vaccine and the repercussions this had in two Central European EU member states which authorized the use of the Russian vaccine. The authors argue that for Russia, Sputnik V promotion was significant both as a business project and as a political enterprise, as it was supposed to enhance Russia’s international status and help it in overcoming its post-Crimea isolation from the West. The results were mixed, however, as Russia’s international credibility had been undermined by its previous policies. Thus, in Hungary the vaccine managed to gain some traction thanks to a government that preferred importing non-EU certified vaccines as part of its larger policy of fostering closer ties with the authoritarian great powers in Eurasia. In Slovakia, the vaccine deal with Russia caused a political crisis but eventually resulted in a very poor performance of Sputnik V as compared to EU-certified vaccines.

Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Hearts

This book presents a biography of Elizabeth Stuart, one of the most misrepresented and underestimated figures of the seventeenth century. Elizabeth Stuart, daughter of James VI and I, was married to Frederick V, Elector Palatine in 1613. The couple were crowned King and Queen of Bohemia in 1619, only to be deposed and exiled to the Dutch Republic in 1620. Elizabeth then found herself at the epicentre of the Thirty Years’ War and the Civil Wars, political and military struggles that defined seventeenth century Europe. Following her husband’s death in 1632, Elizabeth fostered a cult of widowhood and conducted a long and fierce political campaign to regain her children’s birthright. On returning to England in 1661, Elizabeth Stuart found a country whose people still considered her their ‘Queen of Hearts’. This book reveals the impact Elizabeth Stuart had on both England and Europe, demonstrating that she was more than just the grandmother of George I.

Personal and Social Deixis as A Political Campaign Strategy Used in Donald Trump’s Rally

<p>The use of personal and social deixis often has a crucial role in political speeches. This study investigated how personal deixis was used as a strategy to get other people’s support in Donald Trump’s presidential campaign speech. The object of the study was Trump’s speech in his presidential rally on October 10, 2020, and the data were the personal and social deixis in the speech. The occurrences of deixis were counted to reveal the parties to whom Trump gave his attention, and an analysis of the words used was conducted to see Trump’s attitudes toward the parties addressed by the deixis. The study revealed that Trump used personal deixis more than social deixis. There were five big parties to which he gave his attention using the deixis: the audience, Trump himself, the USA and its people, his opponents, and his party and government. Using the deixis, Trump also showed a positive attitude to his side and a negative attitude to the opponents. His use of personal and social deixis was also used as a campaign strategy. The deixis created inclusiveness, positioned Trump in different roles, showed support from several American communities, and influenced the audience’s attitude toward Trump’s opponents.</p>

Kurz will have much leverage over new Austrian leader

Significance Despite stepping down, Kurz will remain leader of the centre-right Austrian People’s Party (OVP) and the party’s parliamentary group leader. The Greens, which had threatened to bring down the government under Kurz, now appear placated and ready to work with Schallenberg. Impacts Declining support for Kurz and the OVP would likely benefit the far-right Freedom Party. Kurz's resignation will lead to pressure for more regulation on political campaign advertisements. The electoral defeat of Germany’s CDU and Kurz’s resignation will weaken the influence of the centre-right European People’s Party.

Advance voting and political competition

This paper appears to be the first to analyse political campaign incentives when the electorate vote at different moments before Election Day, a phenomenon known as early or advance voting. Many jurisdictions accommodate such voting by accepting mail-in ballots or by opening polling places before Election Day. Since politicians can thereby add campaign promises while citizens vote, they have an incentive to add promises valued by late-voting segments as Election Day approaches. This implies that early-voting segments of the electorate will pay higher taxes and receive lower transfers than had been announced when they voted. Late-voting segments benefit.

The Communication Strategy of the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) in the 2019 General Election Political Campaign in New Zealand

This research analyzed the PSI political campaign strategy in gaining votes from overseas voters by taking the case of PSI’s victory in the 2019 general election in New Zealand. The main question in this paper is how the PSI political campaign strategy in New Zealand could win votes in the 2019 general election? To tackle this question, we used a communication strategy theory that emphasizes the vision and mission criteria, programs and activities, objectives and results, audience selection, message formulation, identification of message carriers, and communication/media mechanisms. This research utilized a qualitative method with two data collection techniques—primary and secondary. This research aims to examine the political campaign strategy of PSI in the 2019 general election in gaining overseas voters, specifically focusing on the winning of PSI in New Zealand. This study also aims to draw the campaign strategy, message processing and communication media used to attract overseas voters to gain victory.

Authoritarian Populism in Indonesia: The Role of the Political Campaign Industry in Engineering Consent and Coercion

All around the globe, populism has become increasingly prominent in democratic societies in the developed and developing world. Scholars have attributed this rise at a response to the systematic reproduction of social inequalities entwined with processes of neoliberal globalisation, within which all countries are inextricably and dynamically linked. However, to theorise populism properly, we must look at its manifestations in countries other than the West. By taking the case of Indonesia, the third largest democracy and the largest economy in Southeast Asia, this article critically analyses the role of the political campaign industry in mobilising narratives in electoral discourses. We use the Gramscian notion of consent and coercion, in which the shaping of populist narratives relies on mechanisms of persuasion using mass and social media. Such mechanisms allow the transformation of political discourses in conjunction with oligarchic power struggle. Within this struggle, political campaigners narrate the persona of political elites, while cyber armies divide and polarise, to manufacture allegiance and agitation among the majority of young voters as part of a shifting social base. As such, we argue that, together, the narratives – through engineering consent and coercion – construct authoritarian populism that pits two crowds of “the people” against each other, while aligning them with different sections of the “elite.”