scholarly journals Brexit and the ‘left behind’: Job polarization and the rise in support for leaving the European Union

Author(s):  
Stephen Drinkwater
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siobhan McAndrew ◽  
Paula Surridge ◽  
Neema Begum

The UK vote to leave the European Union in June 2016 surprised and confounded academics and commentators alike. Existing accounts have focused on anti-immigration attitudes, anti-establishment sentiment and on the ‘left behind’, as well as on national identity. This paper expands the range of possible explanations for the vote by considering a wider range of identity measures, including class and racial identities, and by considering in detail the role played by connectedness to others and to localities. We find evidence that racial identity was particularly important for White British voters, extending our understanding of the relationship between territorial identities, ethnicity and attitudes towards the European Union. Connectedness via networks also structures attitudes, with those with higher levels of and more diverse connections having more favourable attitudes towards the EU. Whilst these effects are smaller than those of education and age, they are nonetheless comparable with those of class and income, and suggest that we should be wary of accounts of attitudes towards the EU that fail to locate voters within their social contexts.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-91
Author(s):  
Steve Corbett ◽  
Alan Walker

The narrow referendum decision for British exit from the European Union (Brexit), and its explosive political consequences, has become a lens through which decades-long tensions in European society can be viewed. The result, which was expected to be a clear Remain victory, has been interpreted as various combinations of: the unleashing of xenophobic and racist anti-immigrant sentiment; a kick back against disinterested elites by ‘left behind’ people; the fermenting of nationalist populism by political and media actors; a clash of cultural values; a rejection of ‘market is all’ globalisation in favour of national borders; or as a reaction against austerity, inequality and insecurity (Corbett, 2016; Goodwin and Heath, 2016; Hobolt, 2016; Inglehart and Norris, 2016; Kaufmann, 2016; Pettifor, 2016; Room, 2016; Seidler, 2018; Taylor-Gooby, 2017). This British-made shock has parallels in and consequences for wider European society. In the Referendum, the EU became an emblematic representation of the distrusted, remote, technocratic elites, who are said to be responsible for an unbelievably large number of societal ills. Meanwhile across Europe there are varieties of Eurosceptic populism and distrust of elites on both the right and left (Ivaldi et al., 2017).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vildan Göl ◽  
Betül Yüce Dural

Today, the European Union aims to integrate young people into the labour market and provide employment support. However, youth unemployment figures in the European Union are very serious. In addition to youth unemployment, NEET (Not in Education, Employment and Training) rates, which we hear frequently today and which is closely related to youth unemployment, have high rates both in the European Union and in Turkey. If these two main problems that countries have to deal with are not successful, they will impose serious costs on countries both socially and economically. Although education policies are often used for the solution, factors such as gender perception and patriarchal social structure must be left behind. In addition, strong economic growth should not be ignored to combat the problems of the young unemployed. The first aim of the study is to examine the factors that cause young unemployed and NEETs in the EU and Turkey at the macro and micro level and to present them comparatively. The second aim of the study is to empirically analyse Okun's Law, which argues that there is a negative correlation between unemployment and economic growth, for young unemployed and NEETs in Turkey between 2000 and 2020. The data used in the study was obtained from the OECD and Eurostat databases. The empirical findings obtained as a result of causality analysis show that there is a one-way relationship between economic growth, youth unemployment and NEETs.


Educatia 21 ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 32-38
Author(s):  
Dorina Grigor ◽  
Benjamin Frentsos

"No one left behind" is the main idea that the European Union operates on these days. Each person is extremely important; he or she comes with a valuable background. The educational system must help each individual to develop knowledge, abilities and attitudes so that at the end of an educational curricular cycle, he/she is able to successfully self -integrate into the next educational level or stage in life to become the graduate prepared to easily adapt to life. The Curriculum for Romanian primary school has gone through a significant evolution and, thus, it includes activities based on eight key competencies that express themselves in students’ learning. In particular, we refer to learning by experience, learning by reflection, learning by conceptualization, learning by generalizing and about experiential learning. We have to focus on creating and delivering content to students with individualized profiles so they are ready to lead a productive, healthy life, and to be prepared to adapt themselves to the challenges in life whenever necessary.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Stavros Kalogiannidis ◽  
Fotios Chatzitheodoridis

This paper has been constructed with the aim to evaluate the profound Impact of Covid-19 in the European start-ups business as well as to illustrate certain effective ideas in order to re-energise the economy. The sudden arrival of this deadly pandemic has impacted the overall world in many different ways and economy is one of them. Therefore, through the execution of secondary research, this study is going to assess the distinctive notions of economic downfall in the context of European countries and different industries of this continent. In the last decade start-ups have generated a lot of employment. Start-ups have found new markets and opportunities that have revolutionised the way business has been perceived. The titans of commerce and various industries have been left behind by smart innovation and sheer brilliance. So it is only natural that there should be more scrutiny on the impacts of the Corona pandemic on the start-up industry. The impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on the start-up industry should be carefully studied in order to make more informed policies. The aim of this paper is to study the impact of Covid-19 on the start-up industry of the European Union. This paper will also make an in depth study of the strategic remedies employed by various governments re energise the sector.


Author(s):  
Ruth Lupton ◽  
Richard Crisp

The European Union referendum result in England focused increasing political attention on ‘left behind’ places sidelined in the ‘post-regeneration’ (Matthews and O'Brien, 2015) era of 2010 onwards. This shift creates space for thinking anew about reviving and reconfiguring regeneration policies to address enduring forms of place-based disadvantage. To this end, this chapter takes a close look at the ‘New’ Labour approach to urban regeneration from 1997 to 2010 and what can be learned from it. It offers a new conceptual analysis of how the New Labour years were characterised by a tension between ‘ameliorative’ and ‘transformative’ policy logics, with valuable ameliorative outcomes around improving neighbourhood conditions eventually reassessed as failure through the lens of transformative objectives around wholesale economic regeneration. The chapter concludes that these tensions and contestations need to be acknowledged and resolved in less binary and divisive ways than in recent policy history within any new round of regeneration policy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003232922095715
Author(s):  
Daniel Kinderman

Why do some business associations mobilize, engage in collective action, and take public stands against the populist right while others do not? This article examines business mobilization against the populist right in Germany, which is heavily export-oriented and reliant on the European and global market order. Drawing on interviews with three business associations, the article presents three key findings. First, economic self-interest is a powerful driver of business mobilization: perceived threats and vulnerability spurred two German associations to act collectively against right-wing populism. However, mobilization is driven not by declining revenues or profits but by a mixture of values and material interests. Second, business associations that mobilize stress the need to reform the system, democratize the European Union, and address those who feel “left behind.” Third, medium-size, export-oriented manufacturers are the core business constituency supporting liberal democracy and the European Union. The article shows that some business factions can play a role in defending the liberal international order against right-wing populism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-334
Author(s):  
Bryonny Goodwin-Hawkins ◽  
Rhys Dafydd Jones

Abstract2016 is likely to be recalled – in Europe, at least – as a temporal bordering, after a majority in the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union. The “Brexit” referendum result has been pinned on the rise of populist politics and the revenge of so-called “left behind” places. Regardless of reasons, the referendum left the UK with fraught politics and protracted negotiations, especially over how to re-border with a Europe that has held the dismantling of borders at the heart of its philosophical project. While Brexit has already become a byword, an earlier referendum on British borders has long slipped from international note. In 1997, a majority in Wales (one of the four constituent countries of the UK), voted for devolution from central government in Westminster. Like the Brexit referendum twenty years later, the majority in favor of devolution was slight, exposing uneasy fractures and internal cleavages as it opened fresh questions of governance and geography. By attending to a small country at the periphery of Europe, we seek to destabilize the assumption of shared markers of global bordering (1989, 2001), revealing instead the palimpsests of identity and territoriality across which re-made borders run “all over.”


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