Multinational Firms and Labor Market Pooling

2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 728-749 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mario Larch ◽  
Wolfgang Lechthaler
2002 ◽  
Vol 02 (121) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Guido De Blasio ◽  
Sabrina Di Addario ◽  
◽  

2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 370-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jordan Siegel ◽  
Lynn Pyun ◽  
B. Y. Cheon

We theorize that foreign multinationals wield a particularly significant competitive weapon in host markets: as outsiders, they can pinpoint social schisms in host labor markets and exploit them for competitive advantage. Using two data sets from South Korea, we show that multinationals improve profitability and productivity by aggressively hiring an excluded group, women, in the local managerial labor market. We predict and find that foreign multinationals in South Korea are in a unique position to identify social schisms, implement practices designed to support and enhance the hiring and promotion of female managers, hire and promote members of the socially excluded group to positions of managerial leadership, and enjoy a net profitability benefit from doing so despite the real risk of backlash from some regulators, customers, suppliers, and employees from the socially dominant group in society. Many multinationals, even those whose home markets discriminate against women, appear to have recognized the strategic opportunity of what we call the outsider’s network advantage. The gradualness of the host market’s shift toward a new equilibrium freer of discrimination presented multinationals a multiyear competitive opportunity for outsider’s advantage. Our study extends understanding of the multinational enterprise by showing how its competitive opportunities include identifying and exploiting social schisms in a host country’s labor market.


Author(s):  
Erica Owen ◽  
Rena Sung

Research on the domestic politics of trade typically begins with a theory about who benefits from trade and who is harmed by it. The actors—for instance, firms, workers, or industries—who benefit from trade are expected to support liberalization while those who are harmed are expected to oppose liberalization. For individuals, exposure to globalization through the labor market—including the type of job, firm, or industry—is likely to be an important determinant of individuals’ preferences over policies governing the global economy. To understand the domestic politics of trade with respect to labor, therefore, it is important to ask two key questions. First, what explains the preferences of workers? Broadly, scholars can be divided between those that argue different economic factors (i.e., labor market consequences) explain attitudes toward free trade and those who argue that noneconomic factors (e.g., values, information) are the main drivers of attitudes. Empirical tests of these theories rely on survey data. Second, how do trade pressures influence elections and when do workers’ interests influence policy outcomes? Research on mass politics shows that workers’ interests with respect to trade shape not only support for incumbents in elections but also whether elected officials support free trade. Domestic institutions also play an important role in this process, with research suggesting that democracies and left-leaning governments implement trade policies that are more favorable to workers. Yet trade in the 21st century looks very different from trade 30 years ago. It no longer involves only (or even primarily) the exchange of final goods but also trade in intermediate goods and services. Trade is also closely linked to the production strategies of multinational firms, including offshoring. These fundamental changes in the nature of global economic activity have important implications for the how the interests of workers relate to those of their employers, and by extension the politics of trade. As a result, scholars are increasingly incorporating new models of trade into analysis of politics at the individual and aggregate levels.


Author(s):  
Monica Andini ◽  
Guido de Blasio ◽  
Gilles Duranton ◽  
William C. Strange

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