II. THE POPULATION OF ENGLAND AND WALES FROM THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION TO THE WORLD WAR

1935 ◽  
Vol a5 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-78
Author(s):  
T. H. Marshall
2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (11) ◽  
pp. 42-52
Author(s):  
A. Volodin

Russia is regarded as a “late take-off” society (other participants in this “cohort” – Germany, Japan, Italy), the modernization of which was guided from above, by the state and its agencies, indirectly reflecting the lack of alternative, spontaneous modernization option. The author, while exploring the phenomenon of modern Russian society in the unity of historical, economic, sociocultural and political forms of existence, tries to identify the similarities as well as differences between the domestic society, on the one hand, and the “classical” West, that is Northwest Europe, on the other. The comparison demonstrates: Russia is the most complex organism among the “late take-off” societies, in the modernization of which the state has played and continues to play a pivotal role in its various historical and political forms and manifestations. The paper outlines the main stages of the “guided” transformation of Russian society. Fundamental to the modernization of Russia were: Peter and Catherine’s societal transformations, the first industrial revolution in the country (1850–1890s), emergence of the “organized capitalism” system in Germany, Japan, and later in the USA, the October Revolution, World War II, Soviet-American bipolarity. The accelerated transition of Russia from rural to industrial society was accompanied by deformations (deviations from the West European “standard”), return movements (“counter-reforms”), and impediments to reception of representative institutions and practices by the masses. External pressure reinforced the tendency of state domination over society, which subsequently transformed into paternalistic behavior patterns. Migration flows were not accompanied by social and professional diversification of Russian society. From now on, the logic of the accelerated development of Russia was shaped by competition with the West that was undergoing the industrial revolution. This competition endangered the homeostatic equilibrium of traditional society. The World War I revealed the peripheral, subordinate position of Russia in the international system. The most radical approach to regaining a major power status in world politics was proposed by the Bolshevik Party, who led the October Revolution of 1917. The Communist model has become instrumental of advancing transformation of traditional/rural society into a modern, urban one. Subsequently, the exhaustion of the communist model’s internal resources gave rise to a painful search for a new modernization and development paradigm. Currently, Russia’s existential task is to accelerate the pace of economic growth, help society enter the trajectory of sustainable development and, consequentially, participate in the world system on the basis of “strategic autonomy” that is unconditional sovereignty.


2019 ◽  
pp. 10-54
Author(s):  
O. Shmorgun

The article analyzes the peculiarities of changing socio-economic leadership at the end of the nineteenth century. It is shown that Britain`s lag behind its rivals in foreign markets is associated withthe transition to an extensive algorithm for the existence of the largest empire in the world, the homeland of the industrial revolution, its reorientation to financially usurious mechanisms forobtaining super-profits, an indicator of the beginning of the stadial-civilizational decline of the classical bourgeois formation. It is shown that Germany, which in our time continues to be consideredthe main culprit for World War I, during this period, receives competitive advantages, first of all, by forcing an innovative component of its development, due to the election of a fundamentally different,relative to the Anglo-Saxon, model of the postсapitalist type of social order. It is important that on the basis of similar principles of the new social system in the twentieth century, a number of developedcountries of the East and West have made an economic miracle.  It has been proved that the sources of antagonism between the most powerful geopolitical players that led to the Great War are due not so much to the so-called colonial redistribution of the world, but to the collision of two incompatible strategies for the further existence of mankind. Moreover, the doom of the Russian Empire for such an approach was related precisely to the fact that once again lost the historical chance of its own modernization, it was in the world military conflict that was inevitable, because of the domination in the state of a compradoriously oriented "lazy class" (T .Veblen), elected the status of a satellite of the United Kingdom and France, which at that time was the main outpost of the rotting monopoly financial and invading imperialism of a qualitatively new global type, which eventually became the main cause of both worlds wars, and then the cold and present "hybrid" wars (the current Putin regime is derived from the modern global "postmodern system" of postmodern neocolonialism). The hypothesis that the cause of the First and Second World Wars was the only aggressive nationalism is refuted, which in fact, in the form of Nazism became a non-constructive reaction to the globally-permissive parasitism that caused the First World War and the "communist experiment", generated by the civil war caused by the catastrophe of the unprecedented in terms of the scale of the war of 1914-1918.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-31
Author(s):  
Sorin Burnete ◽  
Choomta Pilasluck

Abstract The relation between international trade and environmental and social issues has deep historical roots, having been manifest ever since the first industrial revolution. Ironically, the expansion of industrial activities marked, besides the exit from economic backwardness, the commencement of an inexorable war of men against nature. Concomitantly industrialization laid the groundwork for an explosive increase in international trade, which made the latter responsible for increasing environment degradation and social rights infringement. The removal of trade barriers in the first decades after the Second World War as well as the subsequent regulation induced by globalization rendered the bad effects of man’s activity upon nature even more conspicuous. Yet somewhat paradoxically, for all the harm inflicted upon the environment so far, international trade now seems to be an efficient vehicle by which dirty production still prevailing in many countries of the world could be curtailed. The paper is intended to explore, from historical perspective, how environmental issues have come to be entangled with international trade and how serious the problem is.


1979 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 365-389

J. K. N. Jones was born in Birmingham, England, on 28 January 1912 and died in Kingston, Ontario, Canada on 13 April 1977. He was the eldest son of George Edward Netherton Jones and Florence Jones Goodchild). His family had long been established in the Midlands, his paternal grandfather James Jones, being a well known ironmaster in Walsall, a town which prospered during the Industrial Revolution. His maternal grandparents (the Goodchilds) lived in Swansea, Wales, and his mother was the eldest of their seven children. His father, who also was one of seven children, was for most of his career a shipping agent for the Elder Dempster line. Unhappily he was badly gassed in the World War I; this left him in poor health and he died in the early 1920s from tuberculosis. During the next few years Jones’s mother (who was well known as an athlete) was left to struggle on and she had to fight bitterly to secure a pension for herself and her seven children. Life was very hard for the family for the pension was not granted until 1926 and shortly afterwards his mother died from blood poisoning. The family was now separated, the six eldest children were made Wards of the Ministry of Pensions and were split up among five families. The youngest, who was born after the war ended in 1918, was not supported by the Ministry of Pensions and was sent to an orphanage. Jones had a particular affection for this brother, Geoffrey David, and suffered great grief when the boy who was a bomber pilot in World War II, was shot down with his crew in June 1944 and was killed. Jones lived with several aunts and uncles in Birmingham during his school days and was very well looked after. He recalled happy summer days when he was able to cycle out to the home of a paternal uncle, Jack Jones, who, with his wife Lucy, lived in the country near Ross-on-Wye, Herefordshire. He Spent his holidays with them and these visits sparked off his great love of plants and flowers and lifelong interest in gardening.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
John Marsland

During the twenty years after the Second World War, housing began to be seen as a basic right among many in the west, and the British welfare state included many policies and provisions to provide decent shelter for its citizens. This article focuses on the period circa 1968–85, because this was a time in England when the lack of affordable, secure-tenured housing reached a crisis level at the same time that central and local governmental housing policies received wider scrutiny for their ineffectiveness. My argument is that despite post-war laws and rhetoric, many Britons lived through a housing disaster and for many the most rational way they could solve their housing needs was to exploit loopholes in the law (as well as to break them out right). While the main focus of the article is on young British squatters, there is scope for transnational comparison. Squatters in other parts of the world looked to their example to address the housing needs in their own countries, especially as privatization of public services spread globally in the 1980s and 1990s. Dutch, Spanish, German and American squatters were involved in a symbiotic exchange of ideas and sometimes people with the British squatters and each other, and practices and rhetoric from one place were quickly adopted or rejected based on the success or failure in each place.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul K. Gellert ◽  
Paul S. Ciccantell

Predominant analyses of energy offer insufficient theoretical and political-economic insight into the persistence of coal and other fossil fuels. The dominant narrative of coal powering the Industrial Revolution, and Great Britain's world dominance in the nineteenth century giving way to a U.S.- and oil-dominated twentieth century, is marred by teleological assumptions. The key assumption that a complete energy “transition” will occur leads some to conceive of a renewable-energy-dominated twenty-first century led by China. After critiquing the teleological assumptions of modernization, ecological modernization, energetics, and even world-systems analysis of energy “transition,” this paper offers a world-systems perspective on the “raw” materialism of coal. Examining the material characteristics of coal and the unequal structure of the world-economy, the paper uses long-term data from governmental and private sources to reveal the lack of transition as new sources of energy are added. The increases in coal consumption in China and India as they have ascended in the capitalist world-economy have more than offset the leveling-off and decline in some core nations. A true global peak and decline (let alone full substitution) in energy generally and coal specifically has never happened. The future need not repeat the past, but technical, policy, and movement approaches will not get far without addressing the structural imperatives of capitalist growth and the uneven power structures and processes of long-term change of the world-system.


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