Fertility, Sex Role Attitudes, and Labor Force Participation

1979 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arland Thornton ◽  
Donald Camburn

Data from the 1970 National Fertility Study were used to investigate the relationships between sex role attitudes and the childbearing and labor force participation of women. While several relevant dimensions of sex role attitudes were identified, it was found that the most crucial aspect for working and fertility was the extent to which the woman identified the female role as that of housewife and homemaker. Those having traditional definitions concerning this role were less likely to be working, and had fewer plans to work in the future. In addition, as expected, women with traditional sex role definitions had more children than others. While the orientation of the woman toward the home was the primary correlate of work and fertility, those who felt that women had little control over their lives had higher fertility than others—a relationship which could be explained partially, but not entirely, in terms of unplanned childbearing.

1992 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 559-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Paine ◽  
Luiz Pasquali ◽  
Maria da Gloria M. Wright ◽  
Simone Corrêa Rosa

Path analysis was used to study the determinants of fertility in 221 urban-dwelling Brazilian women. Traditional sex-role attitudes and religious orthodoxy directly and positively affected family size. Religious orthodoxy also indirectly influenced fertility via its positive influence on traditional sex-role attitudes. Socioeconomic group affected fertility only by way of association with attitudes and beliefs. Contrary to expectation, participation in the labor force had no effect on the number of children women bore. Analysis within socioeconomic groups showed that determinants of fertility vary for women in different stages of cultural development.


2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Maestas ◽  
Julie Zissimopoulos

Population aging is not a looming crisis of the future—it is already here. Economic challenges arise when the increase in people surviving to old age and the decline in the number of young people alive to support them cause the growth in society's consumption needs to outpace growth in its productive capacity. The ultimate impact of population aging on our standard of living in the future depends a great deal on how long people choose to work before they retire from the labor force. Here, there is reason for optimism. A constellation of forces, some just now gaining momentum, has raised labor force participation at older ages at just the time it is needed. We examine the most important factors behind the increase in labor force participation realized to date: the shift in the skill composition of the workforce, and technological change. We argue that forces such as changes in the structure of employer-provided pensions and Social Security are likely to propel future increases in labor force participation at older ages. The labor market is accommodating older workers to some degree, and older men and women are themselves adapting on a number of fronts, which could substantially lessen the economic impact of population aging. Age-related health declines and the reluctance of employers to hire and retain older workers present challenges, but the outlook for future gains in labor force participation at older ages is promising.


1986 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-57
Author(s):  
Paul N. Dixon ◽  
Donald Strano

We investigated the effect of abortion on the sex role attitudes of 118 women undergoing the procedure. Perceived femininity, masculinity, and androgyny were measured during the week preceding the abortion, and then at 2 weeks and 3 months following the abortion. Because the decision to abort requires assertiveness not common to the traditional female role and a denial of maternity, we expected that postabortion femininity scores would decrease and masculinity scores would increase, resulting in greater androgyny. While no significant differences in femininity scores were found across the 3 testing times, masculinity and androgyny scores differed significantly from the first to third and second to third testing times.


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