Peace, Commerce and Democracy

1994 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-47
Author(s):  
Ghiţa Ionescu
Keyword(s):  
World Trade ◽  
New World ◽  
Uruguay Round ◽  
Maastricht Treaty ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Economic Significance ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The One ◽  
First World

The Coincidence In Time of The Commemoration of the First World War and the end of the negotiations of the Uruguay round of the GATT Treaty has not only a clear symbolic but also a chastening meaning. Above all, even above its economic significance, it has a political meaning already familiar to the readers of this journal, but which now can and must be fully explained as we look at the 550 pages of text signed by the 117 members of the new World Trade Organization (WTO).Now, of course, before we take it for granted that everything has been finalized we should realize that, on the one hand, the treaty must be ratified (like the Maastricht Treaty) and that there may be some doubts about President Clinton's power to persuade the irate Hollywood celluloid-makers and about Premier Ministre Balladur's ability to influence unconvinced French farmers that the treaty was such a great French success, not to speak of the reservations of many developing countries.

Kroniek van een aangekondigd ontslag. Twee opmerkelijke brieven van Alfons Van de Perre betreffende zijn afscheid als volksvertegenwoordiger in 1919

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
First World War ◽  
Source Material ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Will ◽  
The One ◽  
First World ◽  
Member Of Parliament

In deze bronnenpublicatie ontleedt Luc Vandeweyer de parlementaire loopbaan van de geneesheer-politicus Alfons Van de Perre: hoe hij in 1912 feitelijk  tegen wil en dank  volksvertegenwoordiger werd, zich anderzijds blijkbaar naar behoren kweet van zijn taak en tijdens de eerste verkiezingen na de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1919) zijn mandaat hernieuwd zag maar meteen daarop ontslag nam. Volgens de bekende historiografische lezing was de abdicatie van de progressieve politicus een daad van zelfverloochening die enerzijds werd ingegeven door gezondheidsmotieven en  anderzijds was geïnspireerd door de wil om de eenheid binnen de katholieke partij te herstellen. De auteur komt op basis van nieuw en onontgonnen bronnenmateriaal tot de vaststelling dat Van de Perres spontane beslissing tot ontslag in de eerste plaats een strategische keuze was: in het parlement, waar hij zich overigens niet erg in zijn schik voelde, kon hij minder invloed uitoefenen op de Vlaamse beweging dan via de talrijke engagementen waarvoor hij voortaan de handen vrij had. Eén ervan was die van bestuurder én publicist bij het dagblad De Standaard.________Chronicle of the announcement of a resignation. Two remaekable letters by Alfons Van de Perre concerning his resignation as a Member of Parliament in 1919In this source publication Luc Vandeweyer analyses the parliamentary career of the physician-politician Alfons Van de Perre and he describes how Van de Perre became a Member of Parliament in 1912 actually against the grain, yet how he apparently did a good job carrying out his duties. During the first elections after the First World War (1919) Van de Perre found that his mandate was renewed, but he handed in his resignation immediately afterwards. According to the familiar historiographical interpretation the abdication of the progressive politician was an act of self-denial, which was prompted on the one hand by health reasons and on the other hand inspired by the will to restore unity within the Catholic political party. On the basis of new and so far unexplored source material the author concludes that the spontaneous decision by Van de Perres to hand in his resignation was above all a strategic choice: in the Parliament, which he did not much enjoy anyway, he could exert less influence on the Flemish movement than via his numerous commitments, which he was now free to take on. One of these was the post of director as well as political commentator of the newspaper De Standaard.

The Belgian national past: Between commemoration and silence

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valerie Rosoux ◽  
Laurence van Ypersele
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
The Past ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The One ◽  
Memory Conflicts ◽  
Second World ◽  
First World

This article examines the gradual deconstruction of the Belgian national identity. Is it possible to speak of a de facto differentiation or even ‘federalization’ of the so-called ‘national past’ in Belgium? How do Belgians choose to remember and forget this past? To contribute to an understanding of these issues, the article considers two very different episodes of Belgian history, namely the First World War and the colonization of the Congo. On the one hand, the memory of the First World War appears to provide the template for memory conflicts in Belgium, and thus informs the memories of other tragedies such as the Second World War. On the other hand, the memory of the colonial past remains much more consensual – providing a more nuanced picture of competing views on the past. Beyond the differences between the ways in which these episodes are officially portrayed, the same fundamental trend may be observed: the gradual fragmentation of a supposedly smooth and reliable national version of history.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Samantha Caslin
Keyword(s):  
New World ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

The title of this book is taken from a statement made by a Liverpool-based women’s refuge, the House of Help, in 1918. Having offered its services to women for two decades, the House of Help looked towards the end of the First World War with the hope that their organization could be part of the ‘building’ of a ‘new world by helping to save the womanhood of our country’....

What the War is Doing to Us

1943 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25
Author(s):  
Edwin E. Witte
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
War Economy ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
The University ◽  
First World

There is by this time quite a literature on the war economy. With the one exception of the recent symposium by Professor Steiner and his associates, most of whom are connected with the University of Indiana, all of the longer treatises on the subject discuss the war economy in abstract terms or on the basis of the experience of the First World War. These treatises served a useful purpose and were the only books on the economies of war which could be written at the time; but they now seem unreal, because this war differs so greatly from the prior struggle. The University of Indiana book, dealing as it does with concrete problems of present war, is up-to-the-minute and excellently done in all respects. It does not attempt, however, to do what I am venturing: a brief, overall picture of what the war has been doing to the United States.

Naval Hagiography and the Victorian Hero

1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. I. Hamilton
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Industrial Society ◽  
World War ◽  
Victorian Era ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Specific Meaning ◽  
The One ◽  
First World ◽  
Hero Worship

The word hero cannot be defined simply. According to time and speaker, it can imply anything from the bravery of a moment to the courage and statesmanship of a lifetime. We do not enjoy the distinction in English which La Bruyère drew in French: to him un héros was a young, dauntless and venturesome man, one like Alexander; but against him had to be set the truly great man, the grand homme, the one with judgement, foresight, experience and considerable ability - a man like Caesar. As we shall see, hero can be used to describe both kinds of men. But if it has no very specific meaning, it is an important word for any study of the Victorian era - an era that for our purposes is taken to cover the years from the 1830s to the outbreak of the First World War. For the Victorians loved a hero, and the word often came to their lips. Carlyle, whose Heroes and hero-worship was first published in 1841, thought that a nation's whole history could be told in terms of its heroes, and he and Kingsley and Froude, to name three of the important literary figures of the age, regarded heroes as being vital to any society. They thought it particularly important that the new burgeoning industrial society should have heroes of its own, and that these should act as beacons and as examples. As Froude said in Representative men (1850), ‘the only education worth anything is the education of character, and we cannot educate a character unless we have some notion of what we would form’.

An Imperialist and the First World War: the Case of Albert J. Beveridge

1971 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. A. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Relative Weight ◽  
First World War ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Primary Concern ◽  
World War ◽  
Important Distinction ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The One ◽  
First World

A difficulty which faces students of American thought about foreign affairs is the relation between general principles and views of the world on the one hand and attitudes to specific issues of policy on the other. Since the pioneering work of Robert E. Osgood, historians have emphasized the important distinction between those whose primary concern is the protection of American national interests within the existing system of power politics, and those who seek above all to reform the international order in accordance with American liberal ideals. In recent years much attention has been paid to the influence of economic considerations, particularly the desire to promote American foreign trade. However, the relative weight attached to national security, liberal idealism and American economic interests overseas by individual Americans does not entirely account for their differing attitudes to particular questions. For in crucial debates, such as those over the Philippines and the League of Nations, each of these considerations was invoked by some on both sides of the argument. To some extent, the older and more superficial distinction between ‘isolationism’ and ‘anti-isolationism’, while concealing the variety of premises upon which either position could be founded, provides a better basis for predicting the readiness of Americans to favour particular foreign enterprises or commitments. Yet adherence even to these broad traditions has been far from consistent. Thus, while it would be natural to assume that the imperialists of 1898–1900 were more likely than their opponents to favour American intervention in the First World War, it is not clear that this was the case.

The Place of the Constitution in the Modern State

1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Akzin
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Modern State ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
New States ◽  
Independent States ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The One ◽  
To Receive ◽  
First World

Ever since the American and the French revolutions, it was taken for granted that a written, formal, Constitution was essential to the functioning of a modern State. Old-established States, as they moved toward modernization or away from absolutism, hurried to provide themselves with Constitutions. New States enacted Constitutions as a matter of course, as one of the first acts of a newly-found sovereignty, often copying them from available models and without pausing to consider to what extent the provisions copied would suit the particular characteristics and goals of their respective societies. The well-known process of “reception” of laws was followed by a similar trend to “receive” Constitutions. To have a formal Constitution well-nigh became a universal fashion, a symbol of modernism. In the aftermath of the First World War, only two groups of fully independent States remained without Constitutions. One of them comprised countries still in their pre-modern stage, in respect both of their political and of their general social set-up, and without pretensions to modernity: Afghanistan, Ethiopia (then Abyssinia), Saudi Arabia, Thailand (then Siam), Yemen; since then, each of these, bent on modernization, provided itself with some kind of constitutional chart. The other group consisted of the one and only Great Britain, looked upon by everybody as a case apart.

scholarly journals Scandal in Mesopotamia: Press, empire, and India during the First World War

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (5) ◽  
pp. 1395-1445
Author(s):  
MANU SEHGAL ◽  
SAMIKSHA SEHRAWAT
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
The First World War ◽  
War Effort ◽  
British Press ◽  
War Propaganda ◽  
Post War ◽  
The One ◽  
First World

AbstractBy providing the first comprehensive account of the role of the British and Indian press in war propaganda, this article makes an intervention in the global history of the First World War. The positive propaganda early in the war, intertwined with a rhetoric of loyalism, contrasted with how the conservative British press affixed blame for military defeats in Mesopotamia upon the colonial regime's failure to effectively mobilize India's resources. Using a highly emotive and enduring trope of the ‘Mesopotamia muddle’, the Northcliffe press was successful in channelling a high degree of public scrutiny onto the campaign. The effectiveness of this criticism ensured that debates about the Mesopotamian debacle became a vehicle for registering criticism of structures of colonial rule and control in India. On the one hand, this critique hastened constitutional reforms and devolution in colonial India and, on the other, it led to demands that the inadequacy of India's contribution to the war be remedied by raising war loans. Both the colonial government and its nationalist critics were briefly and paradoxically united in opposing these demands. The coercive extraction of funds for the imperial war effort as well as the British press's vituperative criticism contributed to a post-war, anti-colonial political upsurge. The procedure of creating a colonial ‘scandal’ out of a military disaster required a specific politics for assessing the regulated flows of information, which proved to be highly effective in shaping both the enquiry that followed and the politics of interwar colonial South Asia.

The Athenaeum: ‘Wanted, a New Word’ (World)

2019 ◽  
pp. 181-242
Author(s):  
Chris Mourant
Keyword(s):  
New World ◽  
First World War ◽  
Literary Critic ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Spiritual Crisis ◽  
Literary Journal ◽  
John Middleton Murry ◽  
Critical Writings ◽  
First World

Between April 1919 and December 1920, Mansfield found her voice as a literary critic, publishing over a hundred reviews under the initials ‘K.M.’ in the literary journal The Athenaeum, edited by John Middleton Murry. In her reviews, Mansfield linked the ‘new word’ of modernist formal experimentation with the spatial imaginary of an ‘undiscovered country’ or ‘new world’, a critical vocabulary formulated in response to the disintegration and ‘spiritual crisis’ of the First World War. The chapter positions Mansfield’s work in relation to writings by D. H. Lawrence and Murry, before tracing a dialogue between her reviews and Virginia Woolf’s critical writings in the years 1919–20. The chapter highlights the ways in which both Mansfield and Woolf privileged deep ‘emotion’ as the basis for a modernist ‘new word’.

The Great War 1914–1918 and Manipulation of Humans’ Consciousness in the Circumstances of the New World-System Birth: the Experience for XXI century. Consciousness in the Circumstances of the New World-System Birth: the Experience for XXI century

2020 ◽  
pp. 91-100
Author(s):  
S. Troyan ◽  
N. Nechaieva-Yuriichuk ◽  
L. Alexiyevets
Keyword(s):  
New World ◽  
World System ◽  
First World War ◽  
Great War ◽  
Human Consciousness ◽  
World War ◽  
Front Line ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Great War ◽  
First World

The Great War of 1914-1918 went down in history as the first armed clash of two warring coalitions of States on a global scale. The centenary of the end of the First World War of 1914-1918 became a significant information occasion for a new unbiased view in the context of a retrospective analysis of the problems of war and peace, war and politics, war and diplomacy, war and society, war and culture and the like. During the Great War at the beginning of the XX century the governments of countries – participants of the war used different ways for manipulation of human consciousness like fiction, poetry, postcards etc. The main aim of that was the achievement of people mobilization for war. The reaction of people of European states for the war was ambiguous, but a high percentage of population was in favor of the war. Even a famous French writer A. France (who was 70 years old) tried to become a volunteer to the war. So, what is possible to tell about younger men? But the reality of the First World War changed the vision of people toward it. They saw that the war is not a festival. It needs patience, first of all. New strategies, new armament demonstrated that the individual person had a small influence on result. The enemy was often invisible. All that affected the identification of soldiers and contributed the development of front-line brotherhood. Disappointment became the special feature of those who went through the war. They returned to the unstable world where it was difficult to find appropriate place for former soldiers. And again it was used by radical elements like A. Hitler in Germany. The author’s points out that it is necessary to understand the processes that took place at the beginning of the XX century to not repeat them at the beginning of the XXI century. Understanding the events of the world war 1914-1918, their impact on the human mind and psyche are a necessary component for understanding the processes that are currently taking place in our country. The state and government circles should take into account the experience of the past and develop an adequate strategy to overcome the destructive effects of war on the human consciousness, the integration of front-line soldiers into peaceful life and the protection of democratic ideals and freedoms.

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