scholarly journals Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, and Environmental Consequences

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-606
Author(s):  
Dhimitri Qirjo ◽  
Razvan Pascalau ◽  
Robert Christopherson

We empirically investigate the effect of the <i>Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership</i> on the per capita emissions of eight air pollutants and municipal waste. By introducing the same explanatory variables and applying the same empirical strategy and methodologies as in Qirjo and Pascalau (2019), we provide robust evidence suggesting that the implementation of the partnership could be beneficial to the environment because it may reduce per capita emissions of CH<sub>4</sub>, hydrofluorocarbons/ perfluorinated chemicals/ SF<sub>6</sub>, N<sub>2</sub>O, NH<sub>3</sub>, and SF<sub>6</sub> for a typical partnership member. This result is based on statistically significant evidence showing that, on average, the pollution haven motive based on national per capita income variations is dominated by the factor endowment argument based on the Heckscher-Ohlin trade theory and the pollution haven motive originating from an inverse measurement of national population density differences. However, we also report statistically significant evidence that the implementation of the partnership could denigrate the environment by increasing per capita emissions of SO<sub>2</sub> and municipal waste.

Author(s):  
Gabriel Felbermayr ◽  
Rahel Aichele

Negotiations towards a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) agreement between the EU and the US have proven extremely controversial in Germany. This is puzzling, because the US has been Germany’s largest export market for years, at least when measured in value added terms. However, realized trade flows substantially fall short from the friction-free benchmark. The simulation of a quantitative trade theory model, which assumes that a TTIP would be as effective as the average existing deep trade agreement, could lead to an increase in real per capita income by about 2.5% in both the US and Germany. Gains in Germany would be largely driven by higher value added in the automotive industry, while the agricultural and the chemicals sector would lose. However, resistance against TTIP has not been shaped by classical political economy motives along sectoral lines, but by wide-spread fears of a regulatory race-to-the-bottom.


Author(s):  
Thomas Cottier

The chapter assesses recent developments in intellectual property protection in the EU–Canadian Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement and the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement, and extrapolates results of these negotiations to the pending EU–US negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). It discusses the likely implications of ever-increasing protection of IPRs on international trade, innovation, and technology transfer. Given the complex interaction of TRIPs and WIPO Agreements with the newly emerging agreements, the chapter finally examines the structure and operation of dispute settlement and how existing fragmentation could be overcome. Intellectual property, it is submitted, offers an important case to extend the jurisdiction of WTO dispute settlement to preferential trade agreements.


2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 881-900 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyeonho Hahm ◽  
Thomas König ◽  
Moritz Osnabrügge ◽  
Elena Frech

AbstractWhat type of trade agreement is the public willing to accept? Instead of focusing on individual concerns about market access and trade barriers, we argue that specific treaty design and, in particular, the characteristics of the dispute settlement mechanism, play a critical role in shaping public support for trade agreements. To examine this theoretical expectation, we conduct a conjoint experiment that varies diverse treaty-design elements and estimate preferences over multiple dimensions of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) based on a nationally representative sample in Germany. We find that compared to other alternatives, private arbitration, known as investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), generates strong opposition to the trade agreement. As the single most important factor, this effect of dispute settlement characteristic is strikingly large and consistent across individuals’ key attributes, including skill levels, information, and national sentiment, among others.


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