Acoustic cues to the voicing contrast in coda stops in the speech of 2‐year‐olds learning American English

2008 ◽  
Vol 123 (5) ◽  
pp. 3320-3320
Author(s):  
Helen M. Hanson ◽  
Stefanie Shattuck‐Hufnagel
2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pittayawat Pittayaporn ◽  
James Kirby

The Tai dialect spoken in Cao Bằng province, Vietnam, is at an intermediate stage between tonal register split and the accompanying transphonologization of a voicing contrast into a dual-register tone system. While the initial sonorants have completely lost their historical voicing distinction and developed a six-way tonal contrast, the obstruent series still preserves the original voicing contrast, leaving the tonal split incomplete. This paper presents the first acoustic study of tones and onsets in Cao Bằng Tai. Although f0, VOT, and voice quality were all found to play a role in the system of laryngeal contrasts, the three speakers considered varied in terms of the patterns of acoustic cues used to distinguish between onset types, particularly the breathy voiced onset //. From the diachronic perspective, our findings may help to explain why the reflex of modal pre-voiced stops (*b) can be either aspirated or unaspirated voiceless stops.


1995 ◽  
Vol 98 (5) ◽  
pp. 2892-2892
Author(s):  
Nicholas Kibre ◽  
Kazue Hata

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Blanchette ◽  
Marianna Nadeu ◽  
Jeremy Yeaton ◽  
Viviane Deprez

Recent research demonstrates that prototypical negative concord (NC) languages allow double negation (DN) (Espinal & Prieto 2011; Prieto et al. 2013; Déprez et al. 2015; Espinal et al. 2016). In NC, two or more syntactic negations yield a single semantic one (e.g., the ‘I ate nothing’ reading of “I didn’t eat nothing”), and in DN each negation contributes to the semantics (e.g. ‘It is not the case that I ate nothing’). That NC and DN have been shown to coexist calls into question the hypothesis that grammars are either NC or DN (Zeijlstra 2004), and supports micro-parametric views of these phenomena (Déprez 2011; Blanchette 2017). Our study informs this debate with new experimental data from American English. We explore the role of syntax and speaker intent in shaping the perception and interpretation of English sentences with two negatives. Our results demonstrate that, like in prototypical NC languages (Espinal et al. 2016), English speakers reliably exploit syntactic, pragmatic, and acoustic cues to in selecting an NC or a DN interpretation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 126 (4) ◽  
pp. 2181
Author(s):  
Helen M. Hanson ◽  
Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel ◽  
Margaret Capotosto

2009 ◽  
Vol 125 (4) ◽  
pp. 2570-2570 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Demuth ◽  
Stefanie Shattuck‐Hufnagel ◽  
Jae Yung Song ◽  
Karen Evans ◽  
Jeremy Kuhn ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel ◽  
Katherine Demuth ◽  
Helen M. Hanson ◽  
Kenneth N. Stevens

2010 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 63-82
Author(s):  
Blake Rodgers ◽  
Susanne Fuchs

This study examines intraoral pressure for English and German stops in bilabial and alveolar place of articulation. Our subjects are two speakers of American English and three speakers of German. VOICING is the main phonological contrast under evaluation in both word initial and word final position. For initial stops, a few of the pressure characteristics showed differences between English and German, but on the whole the results point to similar production strategies at both places of articulation in the two different languages. Analysis of the pressure trajectory differences between VOICING categories in initial position raises questions about articulatory differences. In the initial closing gesture, time from start of gesture to closure is roughly equivalent for both categories, but the pressure change is significantly smaller on average for VOICED stops. Final stops, however, present a more complicated picture. German final stops are neutralized to a presumed VOICELESS phonological state. English final /p/ is broadly similar to German /p/, but English /t/ often shows no pressure increase at all which is at odds with the conventional account of phonation termination via pressure increase and loss of pressure differential. The results raise the question of whether the German final stops should be considered VOICELESS or some intermediate form, at least as compared to English final stops.  


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