A Small Island With Big Differences? Folk Perceptions in the Context of Dialect Levelling and Koineization

This paper presents the results of the first study within a perceptual dialectology framework in the Greek-speaking community in Cyprus. Thirty participants from three age groups of equal size took part in a sociolinguistic interview. As part of the language module component of the interview, they discussed their beliefs about regional variation in Cyprus and completed the so-called ‘draw-a-map task’. All participants were residents of urban areas of Nicosia, the capital of Cyprus. The Greek-speaking community in Cyprus is diglossic: Standard Modern Greek is the High variety, while Cypriot Greek—the mother tongue of Greek Cypriots—is the Low variety. The latter is currently undergoing levelling of marked local basilect features and subvarieties. A quantitative analysis of the maps demonstrates that some areas in Cyprus (mainly in the periphery) have a stronger sociolinguistic salience than others. At the same time, the participants’ own way of speaking is perceived as unmarked, neutral and one that enjoys wider acceptance over other regional dialects. This study also shows a clear preference for characterizing a (presumed) dialect area with linguistic characteristics, rather than with evaluative commentary contra many similar studies in the literature and suggests a number of reasons why this may be so. Overall, this research shows how studies on language perception can inform and complement studies on language production in a given community. The participants drew an average of just four regional areas on their maps and viewed the different cities and their districts, or combinations thereof, as the different regional dialect areas they perceive to exist in Cyprus. It is argued in this paper that the small number of areas drawn and the emphasis on urban sites are consistent with regional dialect levelling. Consistent with regional dialect levelling is also the finding that the participants’ linguistic description of regional variation, while mainly accurate, is superficial and lacks detail. Interestingly, many of the participants also seem to be well aware of regional dialect levelling in their community. Other studies in the literature do not really discuss speakers’ awareness of levelling and this should be further explored in future studies.

A chain shift in Indo-Aryan, with special reference to Gujarati dialects

This paper explores a possible chain shift in Gujarati dialects, involving the consonants k, kh, c, ch, s, ś, h, ḥ, V̤, and ∅ (where ś denotes IPA [ʃ], ḥ voiceless [h], V̤ a murmured vowel, and ∅ “zero”). The chain shift can be discerned by comparing the colloquial forms in the regional dialects with the standard Gujarati forms and those of Central Indo-Aryan languages like Hindi. This comparison yields the following correspondences, giving the standard and Central Indo-Aryan sounds first: k, kh = c, ch; c, ch = s or ś; s = ḥ; h = V̤ or ∅. The paper demonstrates that this set of correspondences between standard Gujarati and the dialects is a large one, and that it indeed suggests a chain shift, taken up differentially in the various dialects analyzed (Kathiawadi, Surti, Charotari, and Pattani). For the chain shift, the standard is firmly in the Central Indo-Aryan camp, while the dialects analyzed align more closely with Western Indo-Aryan.

Dialectal intelligibility of Assamese tested functionally

This paper includes a detailed discussion on the intelligibility of the speakers of four regional dialects of the Indo-Aryan language of Assamese. Prior research on Assamese dialects mostly being confined to examining structural variation lends this study relevance and urgency. The dialects of Standard Assamese, Central Assamese, Kamrupi, and Goalparia, covering three varieties each, were considered for the study. Using a functional intelligibility testing approach, the rate of overall intelligibility as well as of inter- and intra-dialectal mutual intelligibility of the dialects were determined. 24 speakers (1 male and 1 female from each variety) were asked to record ‘texts’— words, sentences, and connected speech in their native varieties of Assamese. 11 listeners from each variety (132 in total) were then tested on their comprehension of texts from non-native varieties. Thereafter, their rates of comprehension were used to determine the rates of mutual intelligibility between speakers of the different dialects and varieties of Assamese. This paper establishes that the rates of mutual intelligibility are unequal and asymmetric among the dialects— the native speakers of the Standard and Central Assamese dialects were more intelligible to the speakers of Kamrupi and Goalparia than vice-versa. Finally, the paper finds that the rate of intelligibility is the lowest for words in isolation and reinforces the important role of context in intelligibility.

Phonological Variation and the Construction of Regional Identities in New Zealand English

<p>This thesis addresses the ongoing evolution of New Zealand English phonology. In particular it explores the links between phonological variation and the social identities of speakers. The thesis investigates the possible emergence of regional dialects in the ongoing development of the variety. The investigation contributes to theories of dialect development, especially in relation to linguistic varieties described as “postcolonial” English. Since the onset of linguistic research on New Zealand English, scholars have highlighted the remarkable geographical uniformity of the variety. However, recent research concerning the development of postcolonial Englishes suggests that regional diversity is inevitable, but that its occurrence is tied to the construction of sociocultural identities. In this thesis I apply a holistic approach to investigating phonological variation and the construction of regional identities in modern New Zealand English. My aim in this thesis is twofold: firstly, to investigate current trends in 21st century New Zealand English phonology and secondly, to gain insights into the linguistic, social and cultural processes associated with the birth of new regional dialects. I view the ongoing evolution of Englishes as involving a composite of wide-ranging factors from the linguistic, historical, social, cultural and ideological domains. In order to address the full complexities of the issues I track variation and change in one influential and important dimension of English phonological systems: rhoticity. I explore the social life of this variable throughout the history of the English language since the 17th century and investigate in detail its manifestation in the speech of 21st century New Zealand teenagers. I consider evidence for contemporary regional diversification by comparing variation in rhoticity in two distinct New Zealand locations; a small rural community in the lower North Island and a small rural community further north in the central North Island. I take a social constructionist approach, paying close attention to local contexts and speakers‟ constructions of their local identities. Quantitative and qualitative approaches to the analysis of the data are utilised. Observations of general trends in rhoticity in modern New Zealand English are enhanced through the examination of the social meanings underlying individual linguistic behaviour. The findings demonstrate the historical and inherent variability of /r/ and reveal changes underway in modern New Zealand English rhoticity. The findings suggest that change involving linking /r/ is associated with a combination of social identity and attitudinal issues. The analysis of non-pre-vocalic /r/ demonstrates the value of exploring innovative features during their onset of use. The findings suggest that the onset of increasing non-pre-vocalic /r/ use in modern New Zealand English may be involved in the utilisation of globally accessible phonological features in the construction of both locally and globally relevant identities. The thesis identifies geographical mobility, transience and changing ethnolinguistic diversity as key factors in ongoing dialect developments in New Zealand English. It concludes that the emergence of ethnically-based identities may hold significance for the emergence of localised identities. The absence of distinctive regional linguistic varieties reflects the absence of recognised regional identities, but the thesis provides tentative evidence that evolving identity constructions in 21st century New Zealand may fuel regional diversification.</p>

Phonological Variation and the Construction of Regional Identities in New Zealand English

<p>This thesis addresses the ongoing evolution of New Zealand English phonology. In particular it explores the links between phonological variation and the social identities of speakers. The thesis investigates the possible emergence of regional dialects in the ongoing development of the variety. The investigation contributes to theories of dialect development, especially in relation to linguistic varieties described as “postcolonial” English. Since the onset of linguistic research on New Zealand English, scholars have highlighted the remarkable geographical uniformity of the variety. However, recent research concerning the development of postcolonial Englishes suggests that regional diversity is inevitable, but that its occurrence is tied to the construction of sociocultural identities. In this thesis I apply a holistic approach to investigating phonological variation and the construction of regional identities in modern New Zealand English. My aim in this thesis is twofold: firstly, to investigate current trends in 21st century New Zealand English phonology and secondly, to gain insights into the linguistic, social and cultural processes associated with the birth of new regional dialects. I view the ongoing evolution of Englishes as involving a composite of wide-ranging factors from the linguistic, historical, social, cultural and ideological domains. In order to address the full complexities of the issues I track variation and change in one influential and important dimension of English phonological systems: rhoticity. I explore the social life of this variable throughout the history of the English language since the 17th century and investigate in detail its manifestation in the speech of 21st century New Zealand teenagers. I consider evidence for contemporary regional diversification by comparing variation in rhoticity in two distinct New Zealand locations; a small rural community in the lower North Island and a small rural community further north in the central North Island. I take a social constructionist approach, paying close attention to local contexts and speakers‟ constructions of their local identities. Quantitative and qualitative approaches to the analysis of the data are utilised. Observations of general trends in rhoticity in modern New Zealand English are enhanced through the examination of the social meanings underlying individual linguistic behaviour. The findings demonstrate the historical and inherent variability of /r/ and reveal changes underway in modern New Zealand English rhoticity. The findings suggest that change involving linking /r/ is associated with a combination of social identity and attitudinal issues. The analysis of non-pre-vocalic /r/ demonstrates the value of exploring innovative features during their onset of use. The findings suggest that the onset of increasing non-pre-vocalic /r/ use in modern New Zealand English may be involved in the utilisation of globally accessible phonological features in the construction of both locally and globally relevant identities. The thesis identifies geographical mobility, transience and changing ethnolinguistic diversity as key factors in ongoing dialect developments in New Zealand English. It concludes that the emergence of ethnically-based identities may hold significance for the emergence of localised identities. The absence of distinctive regional linguistic varieties reflects the absence of recognised regional identities, but the thesis provides tentative evidence that evolving identity constructions in 21st century New Zealand may fuel regional diversification.</p>

Joseph Wright’s sources in the English Dialect Dictionary: evidence of spoken English from EDD Online

Linguists of historical English, of traditional dialects and present-day varieties of English, generally rely on written texts, now often available in the form of corpora. However, the historical development of English, including its regional dialects, was naturally rooted in the spoken vernacular, rather than the literary standard. This paper, based on EDD Online (3.0), therefore, argues that the wealth of sources as used by Wright in his comprehensive English Dialect Dictionary (EDD) should no longer be disregarded, given that no better information is available. After a critical assessment of the widespread scepticism towards the EDD sources and of the different motivation of scholars not primarily concerned with traditional dialects (such as OED lexicographers), the paper first provides a survey of the different types of sources used by the EDD and presented in different lists and tables in EDD Online, and then focuses on the unpublished sources. The subsequent section shows that part of the problem of spoken sources results from the unjustified insistence of many scholars on phonetics to be the level of linguistic interest. In answer to the OED’s scepticism towards Wright’s sources as expressed in a paper by Durkin (2010a), the final section provides an analysis of Northamptonshire dialect words as a test case, with various linguistic issues beyond the OED’s focus on the temporal frame of reference.

The Modern Weaver Lad: Melodrama and Dialect Literature

Nineteenth-century Lancastrians feared the death of regional dialects due to increased migration to manufacturing areas, the expansion of the railways, and compulsory state education. This fear fuelled the proliferation of dialect glossaries as well as dialect writing in the form of poems, songs, stories, and sketches. While scholars have written about these forms, the role of Lancashire dialect in theatrical contexts has been understudied. This article draws on recent studies in melodrama and performance sociolinguistics to examine Lancashire dialect writer Ben Brierley's domestic melodrama The Lancashire Weaver Lad. I argue that through its complex representation of ‘Lancashireness’ the play provided new ways for mid-Victorian Lancastrians to understand, construct, and perform modern Lancashire identities.

From koine to standard: the early modern origin of a key linguistic term

In this paper, I explore the early history of the word standard as a linguistic term, arguing that it came to compete with the designation common language in the seventeenth century. The latter phrase was, in turn, formed by ideas on the Greek koine during the Renaissance and appears to have been the first widely used collocation referring to a standard language-like entity. In order to sketch this evolution, I first discuss premodern ideas on the koine. Then, I attempt to outline how the intuitive comparison of the koine with vernacular norms that were being increasingly regulated resulted in the development of the concept of common language, termed lingua communis in Latin (a calque of Greek hē koinḕ diálektos), in the sixteenth century. This phrase highlighted the communicative functionality of the vernaculars, which were being codified in grammars and dictionaries. Scholars contrasted these common languages with regional dialects, which had a limited reach in terms of communication. This distinction received a social and evaluative connotation during the seventeenth century, which created a need for terminological alternatives; an increasingly popular option competing with common language was standard, which was variously combined with language and tongue by English authors from about 1650 onwards, especially in Protestant circles, where the vernaculars tended to play a more prominent role than in Catholic areas. Of major importance for this evolution was the work and linguistic usage of the poet John Dryden (1631–1700). This essay uncovers the early history of standard as a key linguistic term, while also presenting a case study which shows the impact of the rediscovery of the Greek heritage on language studies in Western Europe, especially through the term common language.

Summary and Conclusions

This chapter summarizes the central points from each previous chapter and elaborates on the individual analyses of these PSIs (polarity-sensitive items) and their contributions to the critical issues in syntax and linguistic theory. This book studied the microvariation in the syntax of PSIs (negative and positive polarity, negative concord, and negative indefinites) in Standard Arabic and the major regional dialects represented by Jordanian, Egyptian, Moroccan, and Qatari. Overall, the syntactic licensing of PSIs in Arabic bears on key theoretical issues in the cross-linguistic studies of polarity sensitivity. Such issues include the syntactic licensing configurations for these items, the feature of structure/specifications of these items, and the availability of syntactic agreement in the context of negation. Lastly, the chapter presents residual issues for future research.

A Unified Theory of Polarity Sensitivity

This book examines polarity sensitivity—a ubiquitous phenomenon involving expressions such as anybody, nobody, ever, never, and somebody and their counterparts in other languages, with particular focus on Arabic. These expressions belong to different classes such as negative and positive polarity, negative concord, and negative indefinites, which led to examining their syntax and semantics separately. In this book, Ahmad Alqassas pursues a unified approach that relies on examining the interaction between the various types of polarity sensitivity. Treating this interaction is fundamental for scrutinizing their licensing conditions. Alqassas draws on data from Standard Arabic and the major regional dialects represented by Jordanian, Egyptian, Moroccan, and Qatari. The book provides a new perspective on the syntax–semantic interface and develops a unified syntactic analysis for polarity sensitivity. Through the (micro)comparative approach, Alqassas explains the distributional contrasts with a minimal set of universal syntactic operations such as Merge, Move, and Agree, and a fine-grained inventory of negative formal features for polarity items and their licensors. The features are simple invisibles that paint a complex landscape of polarity. The results suggest that syntactic computation of Arabic polarity (externally merged in the left periphery) is subservient to the conceptual–intentional interface. Alqassas argues for last resort insertion of covert negation operators in the CP layer to interpret non-strict NCIs, which is an extra mechanism that serves the semantic interface but adds to the complexity of syntactic computation. Likewise, head NPIs in the left periphery require licensing by operators higher than the tense phrase, adding more constraints on the syntactic licensing.