Acoustic and Kinematic Correlates of Heterosyllabicity in Different Phonological Contexts

We investigate the temporal and kinematic properties of consonant gemination and heterosyllabic clusters as opposed to singletons and tautosyllabic clusters in Italian. The data show that the singleton versus geminate contrast is conveyed by specific kinematic properties in addition to systematic durational differences in both the consonantal and vocalic intervals; by contrast, tautosyllabic and heterosyllabic clusters differ significantly for the duration of the consonantal interval but do not vary systematically with respect to the vocalic interval and cannot be consistently differentiated at the kinematic level. We conclude that systematic variations in acoustic vowel duration and the kinematics of tongue tip gestures represent the phonetic correlates of the segmental phonological contrast between short and long consonants, rather than of syllable structure. Data are only partly consistent with the predictions of both moraic and gesture-based models of the syllable about the effects of syllable structure on speech production dynamics and call for a more gradient view of syllabification.

Contrast implementation affects phonetic variability: A case study of Hindi and English stops

There is a large body of work in phonetics and phonology demonstrating sources and structure of acoustic variability, showing that variability in speech production is not random. This paper examines the question of how variability itself varies across languages and speakers, arguing that differences in extent of variability are also systematic. A classic hypothesis from Dispersion Theory (Lindblom, 1986) posits a relationship between extent of variability and phoneme inventory size, but this has been shown to be inadequate for predicting differences in phonetic variability. I propose an alternative hypothesis, Contrast-Dependent Variation, which considers cue weight of individual phonetic dimensions rather than size of phonemic inventories. This is applied to a case study of Hindi and American English stops and correctly predicts more variability in English stop closure voicing relative to Hindi, but similar amounts of lag time variability in both languages. In addition to these group-level between- language differences, the results demonstrate how patterns of individual speaker differences are language-specific and conditioned by differences in phonological contrast implementation.

The perception of voicing contrast in assimilation contexts in minimal pairs: evidence from Hungarian

It has been long acknowledged that the perception and production of speech is affected by the presence or absence of higher levels of linguistic information, too. The recoverability of meaning heavily relies on semantic context, similarly, the precision of articulation is inversely proportional to the presence of semantic information. The present study explores the recoverability of the voice feature of word-final alveolar fricatives in minimal pairs in Hungarian in phonetic contexts that trigger regressive voicing assimilation. Specifically, it aims to clarify whether the acoustic differences found in earlier studies are perceptually salient enough to distinguish underlying voicing in minimal pairs in semantically ambiguous contexts. For this reason, a perception study with the synthesised minimal pair mész–méz ‘whitewash–honey’ was carried out where the amount of voicing in the fricative, and the duration of the fricative and vowel were manipulated. The target words appeared in the following three phonetic contexts: before /p/, before /b/ and before the vowel /a/. Our results suggest that the observed acoustic differences in most of the cases remain below the perceptual threshold which means that phonological contrast is indeed neutralised before obstruents in Hungarian, and this may cause semantic ambiguity.

The influence of orthography in second language phonological acquisition

We provide an exhaustive review of studies in the relatively new domain of research on the influence of orthography on second language (L2) phonological acquisition. While language teachers have long recognized the importance of written input—in addition to spoken input—on learners’ development, until this century there was very little systematic research investigating the relationship between orthography and L2 phonological acquisition. Here, we review studies of the influence of written input on L2 phonological awareness, phoneme perception, the acquisition of phonological processes and syllable structure, and the pronunciation and recognition of words. We elaborate the variables that appear to moderate written input effects: (1) whether or not a novel phonological contrast is systematically represented by the L2 writing system (systematicity); (2) whether some or all of the L2 graphemes are familiar to learners from the L1 (familiarity); (3) for familiar graphemes, whether the native language (L1) and the L2 employ the same grapheme-phoneme correspondences (congruence); and (4) the ability of learners to perceive an auditory contrast that is systematically represented in writing (perceptibility). We conclude by calling for future research on the pedagogical implications of this body of work, which has thus far received very little attention by researchers.

Parallel- vs. Wechselflexion im dat sg mask/neutr – Ein Erklärungsansatz zur Persistenz der Variation

This paper deals with the variation of adjective inflection in nominal phrases with two consecutive adjectives in the dative singular masculine/neuter (e. g. mit größerem politische m [strong inflection] Einfluss vs. mit größerem politische n [weak inflection] Einfluss ‚with greater political influence‘). Only the second adjective is affected by the variation; it can show strong or weak inflection (parallel inflection vs. alternating inflection). In Standard German, both uses coexist without any difference in meaning or function. This phenomenon is analyzed using corpus data. The focus is on the question why this variation persists almost exclusively in the dative singular masculine/neuter. After the discussion of different explanations available, a phonological approach to explain the persistence of the variation is presented. It is argued that the low phonological contrast between the strong inflection -m and its weak counterpart -n is the reason why the variation is still persistent in the dative singular masculine/neuter. The role of grammar reference works in the persistence of the concerning variation is also discussed.

The production of the English stop voicing contrast by Arab L2 speakers of English

The English voiceless stop /p/ and voiced stop /ɡ/ are absent in the consonant inventory of Arabic. This difference provides a fertile ground for empirical research in L2 speech learning among Arab L2 speakers of English. The current study, therefore, aims to explore the English stop voicing contrast as produced by Arab native speakers. Focusing on Voice Onset Time (VOT) as an acoustic parameter, the study seeks to examine the extent to which (1) Arab L2 speakers of English maintain the English stop voicing contrast for /p-b/ and /k-ɡ/, and (2) the L2 VOT continuum by Arab L2 speakers follows or deviates from the L1 VOT continuum in English. The acoustic phonetic experiment involved elicited materials of /p-b/ and /k-ɡ/ from four male native speakers of Arabic. The tokens were recorded in isolation (utterance-initial position) and in a carrier sentence (utterance-medial position). The data were then acoustically analysed following standard segmentation, annotation and measurement criteria. Results reveal that the Arab L2 speakers can, to a large extent, maintain the English stop voicing contrast across all places of articulation, with voiced stops usually being produced with “normal” negative VOT (prevoicing) and voiceless stops usually being produced with “normal” positive VOT and also accompanied with aspiration in the long-lag region. There are also exceptional cases of “abnormal” negative VOT (prevoicing) for voiceless stops and “abnormal” positive VOT (devoicing) for voiced stops, with an extremely larger number of devoiced tokens for voiced stops in comparison to prevoiced tokens for voiceless stops. The results accord well with the Speech Learning Model’s prediction that phonetically “new” sounds are relatively easier to learn than phonetically “similar” sounds. The conclusion is drawn that languages sharing the same sound contrast may exhibit different phonetic implementations in marking a phonological contrast.

A Phonetic Study of Korean Heritage Learners’ Production of Korean Word-initial Stops

The current study investigates heritage language (HL) learners’ production of the Korean three-way stop contrast. Korean consonants include a typologically rare distinction among three types of voiceless stops typically described as plain /p, t, k/, aspirated /ph, th, kh/, and tense /p*, t*, k*/. This study examines how this phonological contrast is implemented by HL learners enrolled in a beginning level Korean class at a university. Language-specific (i.e., English and Korean) gender effects in VOT are also explored in HL learners. The results show that voice onset time (VOT) mainly serves to differentiate tense stops from plain and aspirated stops, while f0 plays a significant role in differentiating plain from aspirated and tense stops in HL learners. This finding is consistent with accounts of sound change under way in current Korean stops. The inter- and intraspeaker variations or categorical confusion with Korean plain stops commonly shown in second language (L2) learners is not found in HL learners of this study. Hence, the results of the present study support the view that HL learners preserve the phonological and phonetic benefits in their HL. In terms of gender-based differences, VOT is found to be shorter for males in plain and aspirated stops, while it is longer for males in tense stops. Finally, this study also suggests that controlling the heterogeneity of subjects mitigates the methodological challenges of HL research.