The uncertain future of protected lands and waters

Science ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 364 (6443) ◽  
pp. 881-886 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel E. Golden Kroner ◽  
Siyu Qin ◽  
Carly N. Cook ◽  
Roopa Krithivasan ◽  
Shalynn M. Pack ◽  
...  

Protected areas are intended to safeguard biodiversity in perpetuity, yet evidence suggests that widespread legal changes undermine protected area durability and efficacy. We documented these legal changes—protected area downgrading, downsizing, and degazettement (PADDD) events—in the United States and Amazonian countries and compiled available data globally. Governments of the United States and Amazonian countries enacted 269 and 440 PADDD events, respectively. Between 1892 and 2018, 73 countries enacted 3749 PADDD events, removing 519,857 square kilometers from protection and tempering regulations in an additional 1,659,972 square kilometers; 78% of events were enacted since 2000. Most PADDD events (62%) are associated with industrial-scale resource extraction and development, suggesting that PADDD may compromise biodiversity conservation objectives. Strategic policy responses are needed to address PADDD and sustain effective protected areas.

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 237802312199260
Author(s):  
Ken-Hou Lin ◽  
Carolina Aragão ◽  
Guillermo Dominguez

Previous studies have established that firm size is associated with a wage premium, but the wage premium has declined in recent decades. The authors examine the risk for unemployment by firm size during the initial outbreak of coronavirus disease 2019 in the United States. Using both yearly and state-month variation, the authors find greater excess unemployment among workers in small enterprises than among those in larger firms. The gaps cannot be entirely attributed to the sorting of workers or to industrial context. The firm size advantage is most pronounced in sectors with high remotability but reverses in the sectors most affected by the pandemic. Overall, these findings suggest that firm size is linked to greater job security and that the pandemic may have accelerated prior trends regarding product and labor market concentration. They also point out that the initial policy responses did not provide sufficient protection for workers in small and medium-sized businesses.


Author(s):  
Michael J. Manfredo ◽  
Tara L. Teel ◽  
Richard E. W. Berl ◽  
Jeremy T. Bruskotter ◽  
Shinobu Kitayama

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-87
Author(s):  
Scott Poynting

This paper examines the global provenance of Australian Islamophobia in the light of the Christchurch massacre perpetrated by a white-supremacist Australian. Anti-Muslim racism in Australia came with British imperialism in the nineteenth century. Contemporary Islamophobia in Australia operates as part of a successor empire, the United States-led ‘Empire of Capital’. Anti-Muslim stories, rumours, campaigns and prejudices are launched from Australia into global circulation. For example, the spate of group sexual assaults in Sydney over 2000–2001 were internationally reported as ‘ethnic gang rapes’. The handful of Australian recruits to, and supporters of, IS, is recounted in the dominant narrative as part of a story propagated in both the United Kingdom and Australia about Islamist terrorism, along with policy responses ostensibly aimed at countering violent extremism and targeting Muslims for surveillance and intervening to effect approved forms of ‘integration’.  


PLoS ONE ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. e0154223 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Travis Belote ◽  
Matthew S. Dietz ◽  
Brad H. McRae ◽  
David M. Theobald ◽  
Meredith L. McClure ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Armsworth ◽  
Amy E. Benefield ◽  
Bistra Dilkina ◽  
Rachel Fovargue ◽  
Heather B. Jackson ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-201
Author(s):  
Md Abdul Mannan

As China rises, Sino–US competition for influence in East and Southeast Asia has become inescapable. China’s growing influence on its south-western neighbour, Myanmar, is a case in point. The impact of China’s rise is more strongly felt, politically and economically, in Myanmar than elsewhere in the world. This article asks the follow question: What explains China’s more aggressive political and economic clout in Myanmar than elsewhere in the world? To answer this question, this article argues that Myanmar holds a unique importance to China’s balancing act against the preponderance of American power in a unipolar world. Most of the available literature on China’s inroads into Myanmar focus on China’s geopolitical and strategic interests. With such focus, existing literatures take on Myanmar’s importance to China in terms of China’s politics of resource extraction that meets the requirement of its overall economic development. There is no denying it—resource extraction is important for China in order to feed its expanding economy. But hardly any study frames Myanmar’s special weight in China’s politics of resource extraction from the perspective of Beijing’s balancing act against the United States (US). China’s balancing act is characterized by an ‘economic prebalancing’ strategy. The strategy is rooted in China’s grand strategy of acquiring ‘comprehensive national strength’, and more precisely, it is embedded in Beijing’s ‘peaceful development’ strategy. The article asserts that Myanmar is critically important in China’s economic prebalancing strategy against the United States.


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