Chinese Society: Stability and Governance

2016 ◽  
Vol 08 (01) ◽  
pp. 25-39
Author(s):  
Litao ZHAO

Chinese society was largely stable in 2015 despite the slower economic growth and the stock market crash. Overall, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has prevented local protests from spreading and escalating into a political threat on a national scale. In November 2015, the CCP announced the guidelines for the 13th Five-Year Plan (2016-2020). The shift towards “innovative, coordinated, green, open and shared” development would require more changes in government and society.

Author(s):  
Christian P. Sorace

This chapter examines how the Chinese Communist Party engineered “glory” in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake by mobilizing the discourse of “Party spirit” (dangxing). In addition to being responsible for state administration and economic growth, the cadre is also an embodiment and conduit of Party legitimacy. Antithetical to Max Weber's definition of institutions as that which remove embodiment from governance, in China, cadres are Party legitimacy made flesh. As flesh, they must be prepared to suffer. This chapter argues that the Party revitalizes its legitimacy by showing benevolence and glory, which depend on the willingness of cadres to suffer and sacrifice themselves on behalf of the people. In the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake, these norms and expectations were implemented in concrete policy directives and work pressures.


Author(s):  
David SG Goodman

The decision by the Chinese Communist Party in 2012 to move to open direct national elections was taken in order to ensure political stability and continued economic growth, and to enhance its position of leadership. The first national general election in 2015 followed in the wake of the landmark Constituent Assembly. Victory in 2015 by the Chinese Communist Party has been accompanied by political stability and sustained economic growth. Though there is likely to be greater competition in the General Election of 2020 the principle change in politics has been the emergence of significant public policy debate. Issues of corruption, housing, and regional development are likely to be major considerations during the election, alongside debate on the simultaneous referenda that have been called on Tibet and federalism.


1957 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 392-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franklin W. Houn

At its national congress, September 15 to 27, 1956, the Chinese Communist Party, among other items of business, elected a new group of leaders officially known as the Eighth Central Committee. For some time to come this group of men and women will have a highly influential role in the affairs of their party and of the Chinese nation. What they say and do may also affect the course of world events.What kind of people are they? What are their social and educational backgrounds? How long have they been in the Communist movement? By what roads have they been able to reach the summit of their party hierarchy? What kinds of influence can they exert in the various fields of national affairs? To what extent did their election to the central committee represent a “status mobility” within the party? Answers to these and similar questions should illuminate some broader questions: (1) whether the Chinese Communist Party is really led by the working class as the Communists themselves have claimed; (2) what are the typical features of the Chinese Communist leadership; (3) how the characteristics of that leadership have been conditioned by those of Chinese society; and (4) what are the strengths and weaknesses of the Communist leadership? This paper is addressed to these questions.


2007 ◽  
Vol 106 (701) ◽  
pp. 243-251
Author(s):  
Bruce J. Dickson

Does the Chinese Communist Party derive enough legitimacy from economic growth? Can a party-state survive by co-opting some potential challengers while repressing others? So far, the CCP has answered these questions in the affirmative. Yet the debate goes on. This year, as the party's Seventeenth Congress prepares to unveil a new Politburo (same as the old Politburo?), we asked four scholars to offer their latest thinking on the subject.


Subject Beijing's policy focus on crisis management. Significance The stock market crash and Beijing's response highlight the challenges that the Chinese Communist Party faces in managing a transition to a more developed economic model in a politically conservative state. Developments over which it has only partial control could seriously test the leadership. Impacts There is a risk that government will become less forward-looking and more concerned with periodic crisis management. Xi will rely on maintaining the tightest possible political control to contain the fall-out from economic setbacks. Any loss of confidence in China would undermine its international position and Xi's strategy for increased Chinese influence abroad. Explosions on August 12 in a Tianjin chemical warehouse that killed 158 highlight a source of reputational risk for government nationwide.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (01) ◽  
pp. 32-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Litao ZHAO

China performed well in 2017 creating jobs, controlling inflation and promoting income growth. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had not been troubled by major disturbing incidents as in previous years. The single most important event in 2017 was the CCP’s 19th National Congress where “people’s ever-growing need for a better life versus unbalanced and inadequate development” was given emphasis. Addressing unbalanced development will likely be the CCP’s central task in the coming years.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-130
Author(s):  
Yany Siek

China's rapid economic growth since its late 1970 reforms has produced significant debate among scholars concerning whether or not it will democratize. Despite extensive liberalization of its economy, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) maintains an iron grip on its political system. Modernization theory and the potential for a stagnating economy present two compelling arguments for a democratic future. Although Chinese authoritarianism faces significant pressures, the CCP's use of pragmatic political reforms, adaptation, and alternative forms of legitimacy make it resilient. Economic growth or decline is not a sufficient condition for democratization. Rather, the likelihood of democratization will depend on the ability of the CCP to address emerging challenges such as political corruption that could threaten China's authoritarian resilience.


Asian Survey ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Gorman

This article explores the relationship between netizens and the Chinese Communist Party by investigating examples of “flesh searches” targeting corrupt officials. Case studies link the initiative of netizens and the reaction of the Chinese state to the pattern of management of social space in contemporary China.


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