The Rise of China, Inc.

Leveraging its absolute power, low human rights advantage, and tolerance by other countries, the Chinese Communist Party has transformed China into a giant corporation. Living and working is not a right, but a privilege granted by the party. State-owned firms are business units or subsidiaries, private firms are joint ventures, and foreign firms are franchisees of the party. 'China, Inc.' enjoys the agility of a firm and the vast resources of a state. Meanwhile, foreign firms competing with Chinese firms can find themselves matched against the mighty Chinese state. The Rise of China, Inc. will interest many readers: it will compel business scholars to rethink state-firm relationships; assist multinational business practitioners in formulating effective strategies; aid policy-makers in countering China's expansion; and inform the public of the massive corporate organisation China has become, and how democracies can effectively deal with it.

The International Criminal Court Jurisdiction Towards The Deportation Issues In Myanmar

<p><em>This research aims to comprehensively analyze the International Criminal Court’s jurisdiction in adjudicating gross violations of human rights involving a non-party state of the 1998 Rome Statute and its application to the perpetrators of deportation against the Rohingya with Myanmar as the non-party state. The results showed that this jurisdiction can be implemented under three conditions, first, the crime is committed by nationals of a non-party state on the territory of a state party to the Statute. Second, the UN Security Council refers a situation to the International Criminal Court in its resolution. Third, through an ad hoc declaration that a non-party state of the Rome Statute accepts the International Criminal Court’s jurisdiction. Since the territorial jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court covers crimes that occur wholly or partly on the territory of a state party, it can be applied to the deportation against the Rohingya in Myanmar. This involved the fleeing of this ethnic group from attacks by the Government of Myanmar to Bangladesh, a state party to the 1998 Rome Statute</em></p>

Beyond Overcoming: A Woman Writer’s Articulation of Pain in Socialist China

Feminist inquiries into the status of women in Mao-era China have shed light on the challenges women experienced in their double role as producers and reproducers in the nascent socialist state. Less is known about how women lived up to expectations of (re)productivity while struggling with illness. Drawing on gender studies, literary studies, history, and the history of medicine, this article examines articulations of pain in the diaries that writer Yang Mo (1914-95) kept between 1945 and 1982, and published in 1985, to explore intersections among normative configurations of pain, gender politics, and identity construction in socialist China. Yang’s diaries show that the narrative of pain is fundamentally shaped by cultural and political discourses of “overcoming” physical and ideological shortcomings – discourses that the party-state upheld to transform the Chinese people into physically-fit, ideologically-correct socialist citizens. Within this context, this study focuses on Yang’s embodied experience to reveal both the empowering potential of these discourses and their inherent limits.

"China's Chernobyl": COVID-19 Narratives of Collapse and Global Domination

In COVID-19's first months, US politicians and media forecast that a contrast between Chinese deception and incapability and Western success against the pandemic might fatally sink internal confidence in China's party-state. They also predicted that it would diminish China externally, as it came to be seen as endangering the world by spreading biological pollution. A "China's Chernobyl" prediction became the latest "China collapse" wish-fulfillment. This speculation rests on two contradictory yet co-existing Yellow Peril tropes: "deceit and incompetence" and "world domination." However, no empirical basis exists for either notion: China prevailed against the pandemic and lacks the capacity for global hegemony. "China's Chernobyl" is most relevant then as a wish that creates a belief, that China should and could collapse. That in turn bolsters the US-led mobilization to counter China as a "strong competitor" and frames China as the common enemy, thereby promoting Western transnational and US internal cohesion.

“Director of Ukraine”. Behavioral mechanisms and specifics of professional relations of Petro Shelest, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine

Based on a detailed study and analysis of archival sources and testimonies of contemporaries, the characteristics of Petro Shelest’s methods and principles of personnel selection for key positions in the Ukrainian SSR, his relations with subordinates in the process of work, formation of the closest circle of colleagues are presented. The analysis of the personnel of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in 1963-1972 has been made. Based on memoir sources, character traits have been studied; personal qualities, as well as originality of relations of the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party both with subordinates and the top leadership of the Soviet state and family members have been de- scribed. The author of the article clarifies the main trends in the development of the system of privileges and the privileges of the Soviet nomenklatura in the period of “stagnation”. The pro-Ukrainian course of the leader of the republican party organization was reflected in the author’s book OUR SOVIET UKRAINE, which was published in 1970. At first glance, the openly ideological propaganda work of Petro Shelest clearly demonstrated the attention of the republican party-state elite to the social economic problems of Ukraine, and the interest in its history and culture. Sometimes Shelest defended individual Ukrainian cultural figures who were subjected to ideological persecution. At the same time, Petro Shelest remained a typical expression of the Soviet command-administrative system. It was during his leadership of the republic that mass punitive operations against the Ukrainian national movement took place. In August 1968, Shelest was one of the initiators of the suppression of the “Prague Spring” which, in his opinion, contributed to the spread of anti-Soviet sentiment in Ukraine.However, P. Shelest’s pursuit of an autonomist course, his independence in resolving issues, and “localism and manifestations of nationalism” could not please the allied leadership. In April 1973, a campaign was inspired against his book OUR SOVIET UKRAINE. The book, which had a circulation of 100,000 copies, was withdrawn from sale and libraries. Shelest was removed from the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee “for health reasons” and was forced to take retirement.

How Much To Ask? Platforms, Parties, and Suggested Amounts in Political Fundraising

How much do political campaigns ask for contributions, and how do they vary by electoral characteristics and fundraising environments? When soliciting donations, campaigns typically present a set of suggested amounts to procure more money from potential donors. However, we know almost nothing about how campaigns make these demand-side choices. This paper builds benchmark observations and analyzes how political parties and fundraising platforms shape these decisions, using data collected from U.S. federal candidates and fundraising platforms in 2020. Candidates' average suggested amounts differ by party, state-level average income, and fundraising platforms. Ideologically extreme candidates did not solicit smaller dollars, and if anything, the opposite was documented. In addition, the representative digital fundraising platforms by party---ActBlue for Democrats, WinRed for Republicans---could influence campaign tactics such as effective, top-down adjustment for increased contribution limits. I conclude that platforms can be important, active players in the campaign finance ecosystem.