scholarly journals Partisan Bias in Surveys

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 325-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
John G. Bullock ◽  
Gabriel Lenz
Keyword(s):  
Partisan Bias ◽  
Survey Responses ◽  
Democrats And Republicans

If citizens are to hold politicians accountable for their performance, they probably must have some sense of the relevant facts, such as whether the economy is growing. In surveys, Democrats and Republicans often claim to hold different beliefs about these facts, which raises normative concerns. However, it is not clear that their divergent survey responses reflect actual divergence of beliefs. In this review, we conclude that partisan divergence in survey responses is often not due to sincere, considered differences of belief that fall along party lines—but determining what it is due to is difficult. We review the evidence for possible explanations, especially insincere responding and congenial inference. Research in this area is still nascent, and much more will be required before we can speak with precision about the causes of partisan divergence in responses to factual questions.

What Does Rigged Mean? Partisan and Widely Shared Perceptions of Threats to Elections

2020 ◽  
pp. 000276422097977
Author(s):  
Dakota Park-Ozee ◽  
Sharon E. Jarvis
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Text Analysis ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Survey Responses ◽  
Democrats And Republicans ◽  
Money In Politics ◽  
Computerized Text Analysis

This article is a piece of a larger line of research supported by the Democracy Fund studying how to communicate about threats to elections in ways that do not dampen people’s desire to vote or make them question the integrity of electoral outcomes. It reports findings from a computerized text analysis of 2,970 open-ended survey responses in the field during the fall of 2018 to the prompt “when people say that elections are rigged, what do you think they mean?” Four key themes emerged in the data: (1) Democrats and Republicans were equally likely to regard electoral outcomes as predetermined, (2) Republicans were twice as likely to be concerned about illegal voting than Democrats, (3) Democrats were slightly more likely to be upset about money in politics than Republicans, and (4) Democrats were twice as likely to be preoccupied with Russian meddling than Republicans. A qualitative analysis of the first theme revealed both similarities across partisans as well as how Democrats focus on how threats to elections benefit people already in power, whereas Republicans worry that elections are threatened by ordinary people cheating. These findings, and the nuances contributing to them, raise new paths for research on communicating about elections without decreasing people’s faith in them.

Partisan Bias in Responses to Sexual Misconduct Allegations against Male Politicians

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward John Roy Clarke ◽  
Anna Klas ◽  
Morgana Lizzio-Wilson ◽  
Emily Jane Kothe
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Misconduct ◽  
Mechanical Turk ◽  
Amazon Mechanical Turk ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Total N ◽  
Partisan Bias ◽  
Democrats And Republicans ◽  
Made In

Across two studies, we tested whether evaluations of sexual misconduct allegations against male politicians are made in a partisan biased manner. First, we investigated the likelihood a sexual misconduct allegation made by a subordinate female staffer was perceived as legitimate by Democratic and Republican participants when the accused politician’s party affiliation was aligned (versus unaligned) with the participant’s own affiliation (Study 1). We also tested whether potential partisan bias was conditional on the strength of the participant’s expressive partisanship (Study 2). In Study 1, 182 Democratic and 159 Republican affiliates (Total N = 341) were recruited via Amazon Mechanical Turk and were randomly allocated to one of three conditions (Democratic, Republican, or unaffiliated accused politician). Findings indicated that participants were more likely to perceive a sexual misconduct allegation against an unaligned politician as more legitimate than against a politician of their own party (when the unaffiliated accused politician condition was dropped), although there was no evidence of differences in bias between Democrats and Republicans. Study 2 replicated this finding with 301 Democratic and 301 Republican affiliates (Total N = 602) via Amazon MTurk, showing that Republicans but not Democrats demonstrate partisan bias. Expressive partisanship did not moderate this partisan effect.

scholarly journals Do Democrats and Republicans Pay the Same Price for Seats in U.S. State Lower House Elections? An Analysis of "Cheap Seats" in Forty-four States

2005 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 305-322 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth E. Wink ◽  
Ronald E. Weber
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Partisan Bias ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Party Control ◽  
Democrats And Republicans

We apply Campbell’s Cheap Seats approach to measuring partisan bias in U.S. House races to elections in forty-four state lower houses from 1968 to 1999. We find that using partisan voter turnout differences as the basis for calculating partisan bias reveals generally pro-Democratic Party biases and that in many states the size of these biases is growing. States with a large number of contested seats and with a large number of marginal districts had higher levels of turnout bias than their counterparts in the 1970s. Partisan turnout bias may, on some occasions, affect party control of the house. We discuss possible efforts to alleviate these biases.

Influence of postsurvey action on current survey responses

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina M. Kroustalis ◽  
Tara S. Behrend ◽  
Adam W. Meade ◽  
Eric A. Surface
Keyword(s):  
Current Survey ◽  
Survey Responses

268-OR: Conversations and Reactions around Severe Hypoglycemia (CRASH): Survey Responses of People Aged 65+ with T1DM or Insulin-Treated T2DM and Caregivers

Diabetes ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 69 (Supplement 1) ◽  
pp. 268-OR
Author(s):  
FRANK J. SNOEK ◽  
ERIK SPAEPEN ◽  
DONALD M. BUSHNELL ◽  
CHRISTOPHER J. CHILD ◽  
ZANETA BALANTAC ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Severe Hypoglycemia ◽  
Survey Responses

Identity concerns drive belief: The impact of partisan identity on the belief and dissemination of true and false news

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Pereira ◽  
Jay Joseph Van Bavel ◽  
Elizabeth Ann Harris
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Social Goals ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
System P ◽  
False News ◽  
Democrats And Republicans ◽  
The Impact

Political misinformation, often called “fake news”, represents a threat to our democracies because it impedes citizens from being appropriately informed. Evidence suggests that fake news spreads more rapidly than real news—especially when it contains political content. The present article tests three competing theoretical accounts that have been proposed to explain the rise and spread of political (fake) news: (1) the ideology hypothesis— people prefer news that bolsters their values and worldviews; (2) the confirmation bias hypothesis—people prefer news that fits their pre-existing stereotypical knowledge; and (3) the political identity hypothesis—people prefer news that allows their political in-group to fulfill certain social goals. We conducted three experiments in which American participants read news that concerned behaviors perpetrated by their political in-group or out-group and measured the extent to which they believed the news (Exp. 1, Exp. 2, Exp. 3), and were willing to share the news on social media (Exp. 2 and 3). Results revealed that Democrats and Republicans were both more likely to believe news about the value-upholding behavior of their in-group or the value-undermining behavior of their out-group, supporting a political identity hypothesis. However, although belief was positively correlated with willingness to share on social media in all conditions, we also found that Republicans were more likely to believe and want to share apolitical fake new. We discuss the implications for theoretical explanations of political beliefs and application of these concepts in in polarized political system.

Alexander First Nations Parents’ Perceptions of a School Nutrition Policy

2020 ◽  
Vol 81 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Gillies ◽  
Anna Farmer ◽  
Katerina Maximova ◽  
Noreen D. Willows ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Policy Implementation ◽  
First Nations ◽  
Structured Interview ◽  
Nutrition Policy ◽  
School Nutrition ◽  
Healthy Foods ◽  
Promotion Strategy ◽  
Food Programs ◽  
Health Promotion Strategy ◽  
Survey Responses

Purpose: A school nutrition policy (SNP) is one promising school-based health promotion strategy to improve the food environments of First Nations children. The aim of this study was to explore First Nations parents’ perceptions of a SNP. Methods: A process evaluation of policy implementation was conducted using a mixed-methods design. Parents (n = 83) completed a 19-question survey to capture their perceptions of the policy. Survey responses informed questions in an 11-question semi-structured interview guide. Transcripts from interviews with parents (n = 10) were analyzed using content analysis to identify barriers and facilitators to policy implementation. Results: Parents were supportive of the SNP and the school’s food programs, which they perceived as helping to address community concerns related to nutrition. However, some parents opposed the restriction of unhealthy foods at school celebrations and fundraisers. In addition, despite being aware of the SNP, parents were unable to demonstrate an understanding of the SNP content. Finally, parents struggled to provide their children with healthy foods to bring to school due to lack of affordable and accessible food in the community. Conclusions: Although SNPs may be well-received in First Nations communities, their implementation must be supported by parent involvement and consideration of wider socioeconomic conditions.

Pediatric neurosurgery in Asia and Australasia: training and clinical practice

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-101
Author(s):  
Ronnie E. Baticulon ◽  
Michael C. Dewan ◽  
Nunthasiri Wittayanakorn ◽  
Philipp R. Aldana ◽  
Wirginia J. Maixner
Keyword(s):  
Clinical Practice ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Vascular Malformations ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
Pediatric Neurosurgery ◽  
Income Group ◽  
Fellowship Training ◽  
Pediatric Epilepsy ◽  
Skill Sets ◽  
Survey Responses

OBJECTIVEThere are limited data on the pediatric neurosurgical workforce in Asia and Australasia. The training and clinical practice of pediatric neurosurgeons need to be characterized in order to identify gaps in knowledge and skills, thereby establishing a framework from which to elevate pediatric neurosurgical care in the region.METHODSAn online survey for pediatric neurosurgeons was created in REDCap (Research Electronic Database Capture), collecting demographic information and data on pediatric neurosurgical training and clinical practice. The link to answer the survey was sent to the mailing lists of the Asian Australasian Society for Pediatric Neurosurgery and the Japanese Society for Pediatric Neurosurgery, disseminated during the 2019 Asian Australasian Pediatric Neurosurgery Congress, and spread through social media. The survey was open to neurosurgeons who operated on patients ≤ 18 years old in Asian Australasian countries, whether or not they had completed fellowship training in pediatric neurosurgery. Descriptive statistics were computed and tabulated. Data were stratified and compared based on surgeon training and World Bank income group.RESULTSA total of 155 valid survey responses were analyzed, representing neurosurgeons from 21 countries. A total of 107 (69%) considered themselves pediatric neurosurgeons, of whom 66 (43%) had completed pediatric neurosurgery training. Neurosurgeons in East Asia commonly undergo a fellowship in their home countries, whereas the rest train mostly in North America, Europe, and Australia. A majority (89%) had operating privileges, and subspecialty pediatric training usually lasted from 6 months to 2 years. On average, trained pediatric neurosurgeons perform a higher number of pediatric neurosurgical operations per year compared with nonpediatric-trained respondents (131 ± 129 vs 56 ± 64 [mean ± SD], p = 0.0001). The mean number of total neurosurgical operations per year is similar for both groups (184 ± 129 vs 178 ± 142 [mean ± SD], p = 0.80). Respondents expressed the desire to train further in pediatric epilepsy, spasticity, vascular malformations, craniofacial disorders, and brain tumors.CONCLUSIONSBoth pediatric and general neurosurgeons provide neurosurgical care to children in Asia and Australasia. There is a need to increase pediatric neurosurgery fellowship programs in the region. Skill sets and training needs in pediatric neurosurgery vary depending on the country’s economic status and between pediatric-trained and nonpediatric-trained surgeons.

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