Sino-Soviet Relations and the Emergence of the Chinese Communist Regime, 1946–1950: New Documents, Old Story

2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 115-124
Author(s):  
Sergey Radchenko

Andrei Ledovskii, a long-time Soviet diplomat with a particular expertise on East Asian affairs, and several other Russian specialists on Soviet policy in the Far East have published a massive collection of declassified documents about Soviet policy vis-à-vis China in the first five years after World War II. The authors seek to show that the Communist victory in the Chinese civil war was attributable to Soviet fraternal help, that Josif Stalin wholeheartedly embraced the Chinese Communists' struggle for power, and that the Sino-Soviet alliance from beginning to end enjoyed unstinting Soviet support. But in fact the documents reveal that Stalin's policy toward the Chinese Communists was opportunistic and utilitarian, that he refrained from decisively supporting the Communists in the Civil War until almost the end, and that all the talk of proletarian internationalism in the Sino-Soviet alliance was but a cloak for Soviet expansionist ambitions in East Asia.

Author(s):  
Dinh Thi Trinh

The outbreak and warfare activities of World War II unintendedly forced Australia to re-orient their security and defense thinking. Having realized that the British security environment and that of their own were far diverged from each other, Australia began to re-orient their priority in foreign policy from European issues to East Asian ones. For the Bristish, East Asia is the Far East but in Australia’s new perspective it is the Near North; thus, the security matters in East Asia are closely linked with Australian national interests. Australian independent diplomacy has been shaped during the course following their re-orienting foreign and security thinking to East Asia. This paper examines the re-orienting of Australia’s strategic thinking from Europecentered problems to Asia-centered ones as well as changing orientation towards ‘Asia’ and ‘Asian engagement’. It also argues that since it had formed, Australia’s Asia-oriented foreign policy, despite minor constraints, has been continuously developed until today.


Author(s):  
Dinh Thi Trinh

The outbreak and warfare activities of World War II unintendedly forced Australia to re-orient their security and defense thinking. Having realized that the British security environment and that of their own were far diverged from each other, Australia began to re-orient their priority in foreign policy from European issues to East Asian ones. For the Bristish, East Asia is the Far East but in Australia’s new perspective it is the Near North; thus, the security matters in East Asia are closely linked with Australian national interests. Australian independent diplomacy has been shaped during the course following their re-orienting foreign and security thinking to East Asia. This paper examines the re-orienting of Australia’s strategic thinking from Europecentered problems to Asia-centered ones as well as changing orientation towards ‘Asia’ and ‘Asian engagement’. It also argues that since it had formed, Australia’s Asia-oriented foreign policy, despite minor constraints, has been continuously developed until today.


Author(s):  
John Lie

In the 2010s, the world is seemingly awash with waves of populism and anti-immigration movements. Yet virtually all discussions, owing to the prevailing Eurocentric perspective, bypass East Asia (more accurately, Northeast Asia) and the absence of strong populist or anti-immigration discourses or politics. This chapter presents a comparative and historical account of East Asian exceptionalism in the matter of migration crisis, especially given the West’s embrace of an insider-outsider dichotomy superseding the class- and nation-based divisions of the post–World War II era. The chapter also discusses some nascent articulations of Western-style populist discourses in Northeast Asia, and concludes with the potential for migration crisis in the region.


Author(s):  
Edith Olmsted

Helen Hall (1892–1982) was a Henry Street Settlement house leader, social reformer, and consumer advocate. She served with the American Red Cross in France during and after World War I and in the Far East during World War II.


1963 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-154
Author(s):  
Nicholas R. Clifford

Most of the scholarly works on British policy in the years preceding World War II have neglected events in the Far East in favor of those in Europe. Any study of recent British diplomacy is, of course, seriously hampered by the lack of Foreign Office documents and by the generally uninformative nature of British memoirs. Nevertheless, the sources which do exist give a picture which, while still incomplete, is interesting for its own sake in showing how the Chamberlain Government met the problems of the Pacific, and also for the light which it sheds on Anglo-American relations in this period. Perhaps nowhere else was there as much consistent misunderstanding and disappointment between London and Washington as over the questions raised by the Sino-Japanese War. The Manchurian episode had left a legacy of distrust between the two countries; just enough was known about the approaches made by the Secretary of State, Henry L. Stimson, to the Foreign Secretary, Sir John Simon, so that many on both sides of the Atlantic believed that Britain had rejected American offers for joint action against Japan in 1932, and that as a result nothing had prevented the Japanese advance. When Stimson's The Far Eastern Crisis appeared in 1936, it was read by many with more enthusiasm than accuracy, and seemed to confirm these views. In Britain it provided ammunition for the critics of the Government, while in the United States it increased the suspicions of those unwilling to trust Britain, and strengthened the trend to isolation.


1990 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 239-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Dobson

The term ‘Special Relationship’ can give the false impression that Britain and the US have related to each other in an unchanging way since the forging of close bonds during World War II. If, like the present author, one chooses to use this terminology it is important to identify how the relationship has changed over the years.This article focuses on the period 1961–67, which was an important period of transition. In 1961, Suez notwithstanding, it was possible for British leaders to continue to think in terms of drawing on unique links with the US, some of which had been forged in World War II and still existed, others which had been developed in their common struggle against communism. By 1967 some of these links had been broken and others greatly weakened for a variety of reasons. Britain's relative world power had continued to decline, thus reducing her usefulness to the US; Britain began to look seriously to the EEC for its future and away from the US, which, for its part, was becoming increasingly preoccupied with Vietnam and the Far East in general; the economic structure Britain and the US had designed to manage the free world's. economy and in the direction of which they had cooperated extensively began to breakdown; and finally after the Kennedy–Macmillan friendship there was no really close relationship between British and American leaders until the mid-1970s. Before looking at this period of transition, however, it is necessary to review an earlier era when the Special Relationship was unquestioned.


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