Syntactic Neutralization in Double Object Constructions
This article synthesizes the ‘‘alternative projection’’ view of the alternation between the DP + DP and DP + PP complement frames of English double object verbs, according to which the alternants are basegenerated as such, with a transformational account that claims that the DP + PP frame may be derived from the DP + DP frame. For some verbs allowing multiple complements, the DP + PP frame is syntactically ambiguous between a base-generated locative construction and a derivative of the possessive syntax associated with the DP + DP frame. Evidence from the distribution of purpose clauses motivates this conclusion, as do asymmetries in restrictions on animacy and idiom formation in the two frames.
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2020 ◽
Vol 42
(1)
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pp. 212-234
2021 ◽
Vol 85
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pp. 127-140
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2018 ◽
Vol 6
(1)
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pp. 65-88
1970 ◽
Vol 55
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pp. 87-107