Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 358-369
Author(s):  
Qingmin Zhang

Summary Scholarship on what constitutes the major characteristics of China’s diplomacy lacks consensus. This essay argues that many of what have been considered the distinct features of China’s diplomacy are the common features of all diplomacy, rather than specifically those of China’s diplomacy. These distinctive characteristics can be understood from historical and cross-national comparisons, and include strong self-consciousness of and emphasis on its distinction, the declining significance of diplomacy accompanied by the rise of power, the unified leadership of the the Chinese Communist Party, remarkable cultural features and the Chinese leadership’s personal style.

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 72
Author(s):  
Huiming Guo

Adhering to the four basic principles is the foundation of socialist China, the embodiment of the fundamental interests and will of the Chinese Communist Party and the people of all ethnic groups in the country, and the primary issue of the theory of building socialism with Chinese characteristics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. p373
Author(s):  
Qiu Chenxi

The Red Boat spirit is the concentrated embodiment of the party building spirit of the Chinese Communist Party, and the Zhejiang spirit is the common value understanding and spiritual pursuit of the Zhejiang people. The forming processes of the Red Boat spirit and Zhejiang spirit have shown the profound historical and cultural origins, have relatively obvious connotative commonalities, and are also given a new meaning and value in the present era. This paper will combine the historical backgrounds of the Red Boat spirit and Zhejiang spirit, analyze their theoretical connotations and explain their value of times, so as to illustrate the commonalities of the two spirits and hope that it will help to carry out a more in-depth and systematic study of the spirit of the Red Boat and the spirit of Zhejiang.


Asian Survey ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Gorman

This article explores the relationship between netizens and the Chinese Communist Party by investigating examples of “flesh searches” targeting corrupt officials. Case studies link the initiative of netizens and the reaction of the Chinese state to the pattern of management of social space in contemporary China.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wei Huang ◽  
Panpan Yao ◽  
Fan Li ◽  
Xiaowei Liao

AbstractThis paper documents the structure and operations of student governments in contemporary Chinese higher education and their effect on college students’ political trust and party membership. We first investigate the structure and power distribution within student governments in Chinese universities, specifically focusing on the autonomy of student governments and the degree to which they represent students. Second, using a large sample of college students, we examine how participating in student government affects their political trust and party membership. Our results show that student government in Chinese higher education possesses a complex, hierarchical matrix structure with two main parallel systems—the student union and the Chinese Communist Party system. We found that power distribution within student governments is rather uneven, and student organisations that are affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party have an unequal share of power. In addition, we found that students’ cadre experience is highly appreciated in student cadre elections, and being a student cadre significantly affects their political trust and party membership during college.


1984 ◽  
Vol 97 ◽  
pp. 24-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Young

The legacies of the Cultural Revolution have been nowhere more enduring than in the Chinese Communist Party organization. Since late 1967, when the process of rebuilding the shattered Party began, strengthening Party leadership has been a principal theme of Chinese politics; that theme has become even more pronounced in recent years. It is now claimed that earlier efforts achieved nothing, and that during the whole “decade of turmoil” until 1976, disarray in the Party persisted and political authority declined still further. Recent programmes of Party reform, therefore, still seek to overcome the malign effects of the Cultural Revolution in order to achieve the complementary objectives of reviving abandoned Party “traditions” and refashioning the Party according to the new political direction demanded by its present leaders.


1955 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 592-605 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen S. Whiting

A Major obstacle to analysis of Communist movements is the, absence of firsthand evidence on attitudes and motivations affecting tension and cohesion. The refusal of four thousand members of the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese Communist Youth Corps to return to the mainland after the Korean War offered an unusually large and representative cross-section of these two organizations for systematic interrogation. The results of such an interrogation conducted by the author in April 1954, while in no way conclusive, provide suggestive statistical and analytical information concerning the composition and motivations of the post-Yenan Chinese Communist.According to official Communist figures, the Chinese Communist Party numbered approximately three million in December 1948 and more than five million in June 1950. This increase of two million members in eighteen months represents the most rapid expansion of Party rolls in the history of the Chinese Communist movement. It occurred after victory was in sight, but before rigorous measures to consolidate control erupted in the “Three Anti” and “Five Anti” movements of 1951. Those who joined the Party during this period form a group strikingly different from the elite of the Chinese Communist movement, which is composed of devoted revolutionaries trained in the rigorous experiences of the Long March and the wartime days of Yenan.


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