scholarly journals Arguing Matters

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 326-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Dunne ◽  
Katharine Gelber

This article analyses international negotiations over the 2011 Libyan crisis during the short weeks between the start of the uprising and the passage and implementation of un Security Council Resolution 1973. We make two arguments: first, following Risse, we demonstrate how and when argumentation around the humanitarian norm of protecting civilians mattered in these debates; second, we show that failure on the part of the supporters of the intervention on humanitarian grounds to maintain consistent and genuine argumentation in relation to that mandate is a key factor in explaining the subsequent lack of agreement about collective action inside the Security Council. We conclude that the lesson that arguing mattered in relation to Libya has been insufficiently appreciated, but needs to be better understood in order to facilitate the future traction of the RtoP norm in international negotiations.

1999 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-92

The present report is submitted pur-suant to paragraph 13 of Security Council resolution 1213 (1998) of 3 December 1998, in which the Council, inter alia, requested me to submit a report no laterthan 15 January 1999 regarding the statusof the peace process, the future role andmandate of the United Nations in Angolaand the force structure of the United Nations Observer Mission in Angola(MONUA) in the light of its ability tocarry out its mandated tasks.


2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Welsh

As noted by other contributors to this roundtable, the response of the international community to civilian deaths in Libya—and the threat of further mass atrocities—is unusual in two key respects. First, Security Council Resolution 1973 authorized “all necessary measures” to protect civilians without the consent of the “host” state. The Council's intentions, and actions, could not be interpreted as anything other than coercive. Second, in contrast to other crises involving alleged crimes against humanity (most notably Darfur), diplomacy produced a decisive response in a relatively short period of time. Both of these features suggest that many analysts of intervention (including myself) need to revise their previously pessimistic assessments of what is possible in contemporary international politics.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 375-393 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew GARWOOD-GOWERS

The emerging principle of the “responsibility to protect” (R2P) challenges China's traditional emphasis on non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other states and non-use of force. This article considers the impact of the 2011 Libyan intervention on Beijing's evolving relationship with R2P, and assesses its implications for the future development of the doctrine itself. It argues that China's decision to allow the passage of Security Council resolution 1973, which authorized force in Libya, was shaped by an unusual set of political and factual circumstances, and does not represent a significant softening of Chinese attitudes towards R2P. More broadly, controversy over the scope of NATO's military action in Libya has raised questions about R2P's legitimacy, which have contributed to a lack of timely international action in Syria. In the short term, this post-Libya backlash against R2P is likely to constrain the Security Council's ability to respond decisively in civilian protection situations.


1948 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 478-487

In accordance with a Security Council resolution of April 1, 1948, which called for the convening of a special session of the General Assembly “to consider further the question of the future government of Palestine,” the second special session of the General Assembly was held at Lake Success from April 16 to May 15, 1948. Following the election of Dr. José Arce (Argentina) as president, the Assembly referred the question of Palestine to its political and security committee. A second agenda item proposed by China and Siam, the admission of Burma to membership in the United Nations, was considered directly by the Assembly and Burmese admission was voted unanimously on April 19.


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