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2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-159
Author(s):  
Linda Aviva ◽  
Dessy Putri Andini

This study aims to determine the implementation of village finances based on Permendagri No. 20 of 2018 concerning Village Financial Management. This study used a descriptive qualitative method, which carried out direct observations in the field, namely Kemuning Lor Village, Arjasa District, Jember Regency. Research instruments are used through documentation, observation, interviews and literature study by collecting every document needed in this study, then the documents are analyzed using the Creswell model, by recording the required data which is adjusted to Permendagri No. 20 2018. The documents needed in this study are the 2019 Kemuning Village APBDes. Data analysis techniques use triagulation in the process of searching and systematically compiling data obtained from interviews, field notes, so as to provide conclusions about the implementation of village financial management in accordance with the Regulation Domestic Affairs No. 20. Year 2018 concerning Village Financial Management.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Kamila Zarychta-Romanowska ◽  
Maciej Szostak

While analysing the heritage, input, and various implementation contexts of UNSCR 1325 on women, peace, and security, the authors investigate not only various approaches to women’s position and female empowerment in international engagement settings and cooperation models (UN, OSCE NATO, UNCDF), but also look at female empowerment in a global scope from women’s perspectives as victims, leaders, and perpetrators. By considering the need for complex engagement of international actors in stability, development, and crisis initiatives, the authors analyse NATO policy against sexual abuse and exploitation, on women’s financial inclusion, and the MenEngage initiative. While analysing the societal impact of radicalisation, they seek answers for effective reintegration and anti-radicalisation of female terrorists and foreign fighters. Authors examine the evolving gender equity and female empowerment policies of the EU in their foreign and domestic affairs, with particular interest in internal and external security standards for women’s safety.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 428-466
Author(s):  
Noel M. Morada

Abstract This article examines how atrocity prevention efforts have had a limited effect on the violence and atrocities being committed in Myanmar. Myanmar’s military forces, the Tatmadaw, remain free to commit atrocities against vulnerable populations in the country, particularly against the Rohingya minority in Rakhine state. These efforts have been stymied at both the international and regional levels, especially now that the Tatmadaw rule the country following a coup d’etat in February 2021. UN efforts have fallen short as the Tatmadaw refuse to cooperate with the international community due to a lack of trust in UN processes and a subsequent siege mentality over heightened international outrage over the treatment of both the Rohingyas and protesters against the coup. Prevention efforts through asean, of which Myanmar is a member, have also fallen short. This is due primarily to a lack of accountability for erring members, and a long-standing principle of non-interference in members’ domestic affairs. Currently, there are no incentives for the Tatmadaw to negotiate and stop the violence committed against their own people. Indeed, the failure of these prevention efforts and the increased notions of nationalism they foster may be used by the Tatmadaw to continue their current policies of isolation and maintain power.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-48
Author(s):  
Ksenia Aleksandrovna Efremova

This paper uses the method of applied analysis of regional complexes developed at the Centre for Comprehensive Chinese Studies and Regional Projects, MGIMO University (Moscow, Russia). Its scientific relevance is defined by the importance of understanding the international and political situation in and around Myanmar. The aim of this study is a scientific exploration of the Rohingya crisis by means of applied methods of regional analysis, designed by the author. This methodology aims to trace scenarios of the development of international and political situations in the region based on the types of interactions within the Southeast Asian regional complex. The article offers the authors own definition of regional complex that builds on the works of Alexei D. Voskressenski, introduces an algorithm of scenario analysis, outlines six ideal types of regional complexes, and defines stable and unstable types of regional complexes. The first part of the article is devoted to current approaches in the study of regional problems in International Relations and World Regional Studies; the second part describes the authors conception of applied international political analysis of regional complexes; and the third part contains an example of the application of scenario analysis to specific regional and domestic affairs - in this case, the contemporary situation in Myanmars Rakhine State. The research yields the following results: 1) by using a combination of the methods of news monitoring and event analysis, the author collected information on political processes in Rakhine over the last five years; 2) this information was arranged according to the matrix compiled by the author, which characterized the situation development according to the negative (-5-1) and positive (+1+5) scenarios; 3) based on the results of the aforesaid analysis, the author comes to a conclusion on the character and intensity of the Rohingya crisis and describes possible ways of its settlement.


Author(s):  
Rana Ali Mhoodar Al-Fartoosi

This paper attempts to examine the Notions of voyeuristic and phallocentric tokens in K.S. Maniam’s “Mala.” In essence, the study tries to scrutinize the inherent relationship between males and females through psychic drives. These drives are mainly motivated by social milieus which control the behaviors of males and females. Therefore, males and females abide by the social manners that make them different from each other. Accordingly, my study will analyze the characters of Maniam’s “Mala.” It will specifically concentrate on female behaviors and how they are depicted in a patriarchal way. Furthermore, the analysis will tackle Maniam’s notion of voyeuristic and phallocentric ideas projected in the story. These ideas are associated with feminism and gender studies that try to bridge the gap between males and females. In this respect, my study will analyze the female protagonist Mala that tries to be equal to men in her male-dominated society. The protagonist embodies Maniam’s critique of females and their inferiority to males. Moreover, the concepts of voyeurism and phallocentrism will be applied to explore the protagonist’s internal drives caused by traditional “feminist” domestic affairs.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Holly Harris

<p>This thesis seeks to understand the role of New Zealand’s national identity in the Japan-New Zealand relationship to examine how identities and values have shaped New Zealand’s policies and diplomatic interaction with Japan. Four key identities are identified which contribute to New Zealand’s national self-image as a whole and illustrate the malleability of identity; the historically cultural British identity, the “search for independence” moral identity, the construction of an Asia Pacific state identity and the perception of New Zealand as a ‘good international citizen’ with liberally democratic values. To explore the role these identities and New Zealand’s perceptions of Japan have had on shaping bilateral relations, this thesis analyses multiple issues and policy decisions from 1945 till 2014 using the theoretical framework of Constructivism. It draws from a range of secondary literature, government documents, news sources, official speeches and various organisation’s publications from throughout this time frame. The research seeks to give a better understanding of how New Zealand’s national identity has evolved over time in response to domestic affairs and examine how it has contributed to shaping New Zealand’s relationship with Japan. It uncovers that the Japan-New Zealand relationship has developed significantly in the last seventy years and the role of identity can offer explanations regarding the ways in which New Zealand’s understanding of itself has helped shape its bilateral relationship with Japan.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mohamad Zakaria Al Anshori

<p>This study aims to investigate the extent to which Islam influences Indonesian foreign policy in the post-Suharto era. Specifically, this research intends to examine under what circumstances the influence of Islam on Indonesian foreign policy will be substantial and under what conditions it will have less of an effect. Focusing on the era of the administration of President Yudhoyono, the issues covered in this study embrace Indonesia’s policies towards Iran’s nuclear programme, Kosovo’s independence and Palestinian statehood.   This study puts emphasis on the interplay between Muslim groups and the government in relation to the conduct of the country’s foreign policy. As interest groups, Muslim groups in Indonesia have had significant concerns about Muslim issues in both Indonesia’s domestic affairs and in its foreign policy.  In general, this study argues that there has been an increased role for Islam in Indonesia’s post-Suharto foreign policy. Islamic elements and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been increasingly included and accommodated in the country’s foreign policy. These accommodations are made to the extent that the aspirations these views reflect do not contradict fundamentally with Pancasila as state philosophy, the 1945 constitution and the country’s vital national interests, mainly those related to territorial integrity.  Specifically, the case of the Iranian nuclear programme has showed that the government ‘bowed’ to the Muslim groups’ pressures which were backed by the parliament. The government changed its position from supporting UNSC resolution 1747 on sanctions against Iran to abstaining on the similar resolution no. 1803. In this regard, the influence of Muslim groups on the country’s foreign policy was important and substantial as Muslim groups’ interests and members of parliament’s interests did converge against the government’s policy on that matter.   The Kosovo case has demonstrated an opposite effect. The government apparently firmed up its non-recognition of Kosovo’s independence and disregarded Muslim groups’ aspirations. Muslim groups’ aspiration to recognise Kosovo’s independence is perceived to contradict the most vital of the country’s national interest, namely national integrity. Finally, the case of Palestinian statehood has showed that the Indonesian government’s policy and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been aligned (unlike their differences over Iran) with a similar voice being presented.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Holly Harris

<p>This thesis seeks to understand the role of New Zealand’s national identity in the Japan-New Zealand relationship to examine how identities and values have shaped New Zealand’s policies and diplomatic interaction with Japan. Four key identities are identified which contribute to New Zealand’s national self-image as a whole and illustrate the malleability of identity; the historically cultural British identity, the “search for independence” moral identity, the construction of an Asia Pacific state identity and the perception of New Zealand as a ‘good international citizen’ with liberally democratic values. To explore the role these identities and New Zealand’s perceptions of Japan have had on shaping bilateral relations, this thesis analyses multiple issues and policy decisions from 1945 till 2014 using the theoretical framework of Constructivism. It draws from a range of secondary literature, government documents, news sources, official speeches and various organisation’s publications from throughout this time frame. The research seeks to give a better understanding of how New Zealand’s national identity has evolved over time in response to domestic affairs and examine how it has contributed to shaping New Zealand’s relationship with Japan. It uncovers that the Japan-New Zealand relationship has developed significantly in the last seventy years and the role of identity can offer explanations regarding the ways in which New Zealand’s understanding of itself has helped shape its bilateral relationship with Japan.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mohamad Zakaria Al Anshori

<p>This study aims to investigate the extent to which Islam influences Indonesian foreign policy in the post-Suharto era. Specifically, this research intends to examine under what circumstances the influence of Islam on Indonesian foreign policy will be substantial and under what conditions it will have less of an effect. Focusing on the era of the administration of President Yudhoyono, the issues covered in this study embrace Indonesia’s policies towards Iran’s nuclear programme, Kosovo’s independence and Palestinian statehood.   This study puts emphasis on the interplay between Muslim groups and the government in relation to the conduct of the country’s foreign policy. As interest groups, Muslim groups in Indonesia have had significant concerns about Muslim issues in both Indonesia’s domestic affairs and in its foreign policy.  In general, this study argues that there has been an increased role for Islam in Indonesia’s post-Suharto foreign policy. Islamic elements and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been increasingly included and accommodated in the country’s foreign policy. These accommodations are made to the extent that the aspirations these views reflect do not contradict fundamentally with Pancasila as state philosophy, the 1945 constitution and the country’s vital national interests, mainly those related to territorial integrity.  Specifically, the case of the Iranian nuclear programme has showed that the government ‘bowed’ to the Muslim groups’ pressures which were backed by the parliament. The government changed its position from supporting UNSC resolution 1747 on sanctions against Iran to abstaining on the similar resolution no. 1803. In this regard, the influence of Muslim groups on the country’s foreign policy was important and substantial as Muslim groups’ interests and members of parliament’s interests did converge against the government’s policy on that matter.   The Kosovo case has demonstrated an opposite effect. The government apparently firmed up its non-recognition of Kosovo’s independence and disregarded Muslim groups’ aspirations. Muslim groups’ aspiration to recognise Kosovo’s independence is perceived to contradict the most vital of the country’s national interest, namely national integrity. Finally, the case of Palestinian statehood has showed that the Indonesian government’s policy and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been aligned (unlike their differences over Iran) with a similar voice being presented.</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 026540752110514
Author(s):  
Einat Lavee ◽  
Tal Meler ◽  
Madlen Shamshoum

The objective of this study is to broaden understanding of how vulnerability is shaped more by social, cultural, and religious institutions than by individual life circumstances, exploring the case of Palestinian-Israeli single mothers’ relationships with men. Research often determines the vulnerability of a group, such as women migrants from an ethnic minority, by specific demographic characteristics. This common assumption has been challenged by calls to understand vulnerability as social processes intersecting with the action of the state and other social institutions. The study provides a nuanced examination of the social processes through which Palestinian-Israeli single mothers are simultaneously forbidden from and coerced into having relationships with men, drawing on a systematic analysis of data from semi-structured, in-depth interviews of 36 Palestinian-Israeli single mothers. The analysis exposed several mechanisms which forbid single mothers from having relationships with men, alongside mechanisms that permit, often even coerce, such relationships. These mechanisms are embedded in interrelated structural factors—massive differences in gender power relations, vast gender economic disparities, inability of most single mothers to support their families independently, and state policy of non-intervention in domestic affairs of ethnic minorities, and create a state of “dangerous vulnerability.”


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