The Anglo-Dutch Context for the Writing and Reception of Hugo Grotius’s De Imperio Summarum Potestatum Circa Sacra, 1617-1659

Grotiana ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-161
Author(s):  
Marco Barducci
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
James I

As an illustration of the complexity of Anglo-Dutch intellectual connections in the seventeenth century, this essay focuses on the transnational context for the writing and reception of Grotius’s De imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra. DI was composed by Grotius during the dispute between Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants, but it was addressed not solely to a Dutch audience, but also to an English one. DI was intended by Grotius and by his patron Oldenbarnevelt to win the favour of James I to the cause of the Remonstrants in the context of their struggle against the orthodox Calvinists, the Contra-Remonstrants. Grotius praised the control of James I over the state church, and expressed his admiration for the hierarchical organisation of Anglican episcopacy. In doing so, he expressly took the English civil and ecclesiastical government of James I as a blueprint for the solution of the Dutch religious troubles. This article argues that despite of Grotius’s attempt to gain the approval of James I’s entourage before sending DI to press, DI was criticized both by his English interlocutors and, consistently throughout the century, by English Anglican-Royalist readers. The first part of this article will sketch the Anglo-Dutch cultural and political context which formed the background of DI. Secondly, it will examine the English sources of this work and how Grotius bent them to his and Oldenbarnevelt’s internal and foreign policy. Finally, it will offer some brief considerations concerning the controversial reception of DI in mid-seventeenth century England with a special focus on the Anglican tradition.

Legislation, Foreign Policy, and the “Proper Business” of the Parliament of 1624

1991 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark E. Kennedy
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
James I ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Parliamentary History ◽  
Proper Functions ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Parliamentary Politics

A dozen years ago Conrad Russell initiated a major historiographical debate when he rejected the traditional interpretation of seventeenth-century parliamentary history expounded in the classic studies of S. R. Gardiner and Wallace Notestein, whose work on early Stuart parliaments dominated the field for three quarters of a century. According to Russell, Gardiner's and Notestein's conviction that Jacobean and Caroline parliaments were the scene of escalating constitutional conflicts between the Crown and the House of Commons was the result of the two historians' failure to understand either the nature of early Stuart politics or seventeenth-century notions of Parliament's proper functions. Politics in general and parliamentary politics in particular were devoid of ideological content, and the provincial gentry who filled the benches of the House of Commons were as certain as the rest of their countrymen that the “proper business” of Parliament was the passing of bills, not the debating of issues of national or constitutional significance. Russell, of course, did not suggest that the conflicts so crucial to the traditional interpretation were made out of whole cloth, but he did deny that disagreements between Crown and Parliament were due to the emergence of a constitutional opposition. Instead, such disagreements were the inevitable product of the pervasive tension that marked the relationship between the royal government in London and the local communities in the provinces. During the reigns of James I and Charles I, the Crown's incompetent parliamentary management made it more difficult than usual for local gentlemen to reconcile their obligations to their king with their loyalties to their communities. The result was some remarkably unhappy parliaments, but since no important issue of principle divided parliamentary leaders from privy councilors or officers of state, there could be no organized, ideologically based opposition, no constitutional crisis leading inexorably to civil war.

The Thirty Years' War, the “General Crisis,” and the Origins of a Standing Professional Army in the Habsburg Monarchy

1988 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Mears
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
State Building ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
The State ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Essential Step ◽  
New Type ◽  
Private Entrepreneurs ◽  
Local Representative

One of the most striking features of seventeenth-century state building was the formation of standing armies. Kings and princes throughout Europe, responding to conditions of almost constant strife, were compelled to transform ineffective feudal levies and unruly bands of mercenaries into regularized bodies of professional troops, making ever larger and more costly military establishments instruments of rational foreign policy rather than the preserves of the old nobility or freebootingcondottieri. In building armies of the new type, European monarchs had to surmount determined opposition from two sources: the local representative bodies (estates) which were reluctant to grant rulers the powers of taxation necessary for the maintenance of permanent troops, and the mercenary colonels who were expected to relinquish their rights as independent recruiting masters and subordinate themselves to the state. By the middle decades of the seventeenth century, various territorial sovereigns were successfully mastering this opposition to their political authority and were able to take an essential step in the direction of true standing armies by routinely keeping strong military forces under their command at the conclusion of a campaign, thereby diminishing their reliance on contingents approved by the provincial estates or soldiers hastily raised by private entrepreneurs to meet specific emergencies.

Royal Policies, Local Alternatives

The Puritans ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 172-205
Author(s):  
David D. Hall
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Small Group ◽  
The State ◽  
Elizabeth I ◽  
Local Alternatives ◽  
James I ◽  
James I Of England

This chapter explores the early decades of the seventeenth century, when James VI of Scotland became James I of England and controversy about worship and the structure of the state church erupted anew in Scotland. When James I succeeded Elizabeth I in 1603 and added England, Wales, and Ireland to his native Scotland, the hopeful and the admiring outnumbered the detractors, for the godly knew that in 1592 he had endorsed presbyterianism in Scotland and, more recently, had disparaged Catholicism and Dutch Arminianism. Their hopes aroused, a small group of English activists initiated a petition the king received as he made his way to London. The “Millenary Petition,” so named because of the assertion it was endorsed by a thousand ministers, complained of pluralism and nonresidency, singled out bishops as pluralists although otherwise saying nothing about episcopacy, and called for higher standards in admitting men to the work of ministry. The Millenary Petition signaled the persistence of Puritan sympathies in England despite the damage done to the movement in the 1590s. The chapter also considers “Dutch Puritanism,” a convenient shorthand for the more radical or safety-seeking laypeople and ministers who went to the Netherlands as early as the 1580s.

scholarly journals Unas reflexiones sobre el servicio de información español en la época de los Reyes Católicos y los Austrias

2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Cezary Taracha
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Information Flow ◽  
The State ◽  
Louis Xiv ◽  
Philip Ii ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Intelligence Service

United by the Catholic Kings and developing the world’s empire under the rule of the Habsburgs, Spain pursued its interests through various instruments. The most important were diplomacy andthe intelligence service. During the reign of Charles I and Philip II, efforts were made to institutionalize the intelligence structures that were subject to the authority responsible for foreign policy, i.e. Consejo de Estado. The exten-sive Spanish espionage network in Europe was based on the Brussels–Milan–Vienna triangle, which was the logistical basis for its activities and information flow. The Spanish intelligence service served the monarchy in the difficult period of decadence of the second half of the seventeenth century, maintaining the territorial coherence of the state in the era of the French dominance of Louis XIV.

A Foreign Policy for the State of Palestine

1989 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 16-28
Author(s):  
Jerome M. Segal
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The State

Humanising the Dehumanised: Emotion and Being in the Violence of the Islamic State (IS): An Alternative Perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quraysha Bibi Ismail Sooliman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Human Agency ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Alternative Perspective ◽  
Western Civilisation ◽  
Ongoing Project

This paper considers the effect of violence on the emotions of IS fighters and the resultant consequences of those emotions as a factor in their choice to use violence. By interrogating the human aspect of the fighters, I am focusing not on religion but on human agency as a factor in the violence. In this regard, this paper is about reorienting the question about the violence of IS not as “religious” violence but as a response to how these fighters perceive what is happening to them and their homeland. It is about politicising the political, about the violence of the state and its coalition of killing as opposed to a consistent effort to frame the violence into an explanation of “extremist religious ideology.” This shift in analysis is significant because of the increasing harm that is caused by the rise in Islamophobia where all Muslims are considered “radical” and are dehumanised. This is by no means a new project; rather it reflects the ongoing project of distortion of and animosity toward Islam, the suspension of ethics and the naturalisation of war. It is about an advocacy for war by hegemonic powers and (puppet regimes) states against racialised groups in the name of defending liberal values. Furthermore, the myth of religious violence has served to advance the goals of power which have been used in domestic and foreign policy to marginalise and dehumanise Muslims and to portray the violence of the secular state as a justified intervention in order to protect Western civilisation and the secular subject.

Surface and Substance: Baroque Dress in Spain and France, 1600–1720

2019 ◽  
pp. 237-263
Author(s):  
Lesley Ellis Miller
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
Global Networks ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
Economic Significance ◽  
System A ◽  
Production And Consumption ◽  
State Textile

This article explores the surface and substance of elite dress in the baroque period by unpacking printed texts and images that reveal their political and economic significance in the courts of Europe. It does so by considering the nature and sources of garments and fabrics, continuity and change in their production and consumption in Spain and France, and the shaping of the modern fashion system—a system in which changes in textiles and trimmings were promoted seasonally by the state, textile manufacturers, and the nascent fashion press (Le Mercure galant) from the late seventeenth century onward. It thus underlines the local and global networks involved in the production and consumption of dress.

scholarly journals Transnational Lived Citizenship – The Case of the Eritrean Diaspora

2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-18
Author(s):  
Tanja R. Müller ◽  
Milena Belloni
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Diaspora Studies ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Everyday Practices ◽  
Key Questions

This special focus section analyses state–diaspora relationships with a focus on the case of Eritrea, a paradigmatic example, as we show in this introduction, to elaborate on the following key questions: What determines loyalty between diaspora and the state? How can we understand the dynamics of co-optation, loyalty, and resistance that characterise many diaspora–state relationships? What is the role of historical events and memory in building alliances as well as divides among different generations and different groups in the diaspora? How do diaspora citizens interpret and enact their citizenship in everyday practices of engagement? By engaging with both citizenship and diaspora studies, this introduction shows the significance of analysing these questions through the lens of “transnational lived citizenship.” This concept enables a look at the intersections between formal aspects of citizenship as well as the emotional and practical aspects related to feelings of belonging, transnational attitudes, and circulation of material cultures.

Practitioners' Views of International Negotiation

1979 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilbert R. Winham
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
International Negotiation ◽  
Complex Problems ◽  
Theoretical Literature ◽  
Large Complex ◽  
Study Session ◽  
Increasing Trend

A Checklist for Negotiators, produced during a study session on negotiation in the State Department's Senior Seminar on Foreign Policy, highlights certain changes that are occurring in the diplomatic function. First, practitioners make a distinction between the internal (or domestic) and external aspects of negotiation, which reflects a growing politicization of the diplomatic function and an increasing trend toward a mediatorial model of diplomacy. Second, practitioners emphasize managerial rather than strategic concerns, which is consistent with the large, complex problems that foreign offices are increasingly facing. Third, practitioners attach more importance to issues and substantive information than to personality or sociological variables. This is a reflection of the increasing scope, and resulting anonymity, of international diplomatic processes. These three points introduce new concerns into the theoretical literature on international negotiation.

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