The functions of the dative in the Jewish Arabic dialect of Baghdad

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Assaf Bar Moshe
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Category ◽  
Semantic Roles ◽  
Semantic Level ◽  
Arabic Dialects ◽  
Modern Arabic ◽  
Classical Arabic

Abstract Like in Classical Arabic and other modern Arabic dialects, the preposition l- marks the dative also in the Jewish Arabic dialect of Baghdad (JB). Under the scope of the syntactic category of dative, one finds different semantic roles like recipients, benefactives, possessors, experiencers, and others. Moreover, some datives operate on the pragmatic rather than the semantic level of the clause. This paper defines and exemplifies seven different dative roles in JB based on their interpretive properties and accounts for their distinctive syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic features.

A Melkite Arabic literary lingua franca from the second half of the first millennium

1994 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Blau
Keyword(s):  
Arabic Language ◽  
Literary Language ◽  
Greek Orthodox ◽  
Lingua Franca ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Millennium ◽  
Arabic Dialects ◽  
Modern Arabic ◽  
Classical Arabic ◽  
The Ideal

After the Islamic conquest, the Greek Orthodox, so-called Melkite ( = Royalist), church fairly early adopted Arabic as its literary language. Their intellectual centres in Syria/Palestine were Jerusalem, along with the monaster ies of Mar Sabas and Mar Chariton in Judea, Edessa and Damascus. A great many Arabic manuscripts stemming from the first millennium, some of them dated, copied at the monastery of Mar Chariton and especially at that of Mar Saba, have been discovered in the monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai, the only monastery that has not been pillaged and set on fire by the bedouin. These manuscripts are of great importance for the history of the Arabic language. Because Christians were less devoted to the ideal of the ‘arabiyya than their Muslim contemporaries, their writings contain a great many devi ations from classical Arabic, thus enabling us to reconstruct early Neo-Arabic, the predecessor of the modern Arabic dialects, and bridge a gap of over one thousand years in the history of the Arabic language.

scholarly journals Syllabification patterns in Arabic dialects: long segments and mora sharing

Phonology ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 335-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet C. E. Watson
Keyword(s):  
Bantu Languages ◽  
Related Variation ◽  
Arabic Dialects ◽  
Modern Arabic ◽  
Classical Arabic

In Classical Arabic and many modern Arabic dialects, syllables ending in VVC or in the left leg of a geminate have a special status. An examination of Kiparsky's (2003) semisyllable account of syllabification types and related phenomena in Arabic against a wider set of data shows that while this account explains much syllable-related variation, certain phenomena cannot be captured, and several dialects appear to exhibit conflicting syllable-related phenomena. Phenomena not readily covered by the semisyllable account commonly involve long segments – long vowels or geminate consonants. In this paper, I propose for relevant dialects a mora-sharing solution that recognises the special status of syllables incorporating long segments. Such a mora-sharing solution is not new, but has been proposed for the analysis of syllables containing long segments in a number of languages, including Arabic (Broselow 1992, Broselow et al.1995), Malayalam, Hindi (Broselow et al.1997) and Bantu languages (Maddieson 1993, Hubbard 1995).

Vestiges of tanwīn -un and the case ending -u as attested in Yemenite Judeo-Arabic texts from the seventeenth century

1983 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 529-531
Author(s):  
Joshua Blau
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Short Vowels ◽  
Arabic Dialects ◽  
Modern Arabic ◽  
Classical Arabic

Although in classical Arabic all short vowels, as a rule, are preserved, a is more persistent than i/u: in prose, pausal -in/-un are elided, yet -an shifts to -ā. In many modern Arabic dialects too (dubbed by J. Cantineau diffeérentiel) a tends to be sustained in phonetic environments in which i/u are elided. This is, it seems, the reason that in the Bedouin dialects of northern Arabia and the Syrian-Iraqi desert it is the historical tanwīn -an, rather than -in/-un, that is preserved, especially when preceding an indefinite attribute; even phonetic -in has, it seems, to be derived from original -an. The same applies to medieval Judeo-Arabic 'n (spelt as a separate word) in this position.

scholarly journals Alternation of consonants in the Iraqi "Baghdad" dialect

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3A) ◽  
pp. 440-445
Author(s):  
Jasim Muna Arif
Keyword(s):  
Historical Approach ◽  
Standard Arabic ◽  
Arabic Dialects ◽  
Classical Language ◽  
Modern Arabic ◽  
Classical Arabic

This article discusses the most beloved and creative dialect of the Arabs - the Iraqi dialect, despite its complexity, but it has a lot of beautiful foreign vocabulary. We followed a descriptive and historical approach, also tracked phonetic changes in this dialect, and then gave phonological explanations for these phenomena, trying to connect most of the phenomena with their historical roots in the standard Arabic "al-Fussha" and in ancient Arabic dialects. Most modern linguists have realized the need to study these dialects, since many of the modern dialect characteristics are only extensions of some ancient Arabic dialects, and do not refer them to the classical language. The study of modern Arabic dialects may be faced with a number of obstacles being in this important area of linguistic investigations, including the feeling that the study of modern dialects is a kind of encouragement and the desire to demonstrate and replace them with Classical Arabic.

Towards the Reappraisal of Classical Arabic Literature and History: Some Aspects of Tāhā Husayn's Use of Modern western Criteria

1980 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohamed Al-Nowaihi
Keyword(s):  
Arabic Literature ◽  
Classical Literature ◽  
Fellow Citizen ◽  
Modern Arabic ◽  
Classical Arabic

In modern Arabic scholarship, it would be difficult to find a hypothesis more implausible than that advanced by Tāhā Husayn in his fī‘l-’adab al-jāhilī. Yet it may be wondered whether any other book, written by a contemporary Arab, has had a comparable influence in changing the fundamental attitude of the Arab intelligentsia towards their classical literature and history. The unsoundness of the book's central assertion—that the bulk of pre-Islamic poetry was fabricated by Muslims, and portrays Islamic, rather than pre-Islamic, conditions and conceits—has been exposed by several critics, both native, in varying degrees of wrathful condemnation, and orientalist, with different approaches to conclusiveness. Of the latter, one at least, the late A. J. Arberry, had some pretty strong words to say, not of the Arab propagator of the fallacy, but of D. S. Margoliouth, who, in the same year 1926, had, as it happened, published identical views, supported by largely similar arguments. Said Arberry, introducing his stern refutation, “The sophistry — I hesitate to say dishonesty — of Professor Margoliouth's arguments is only too apparent, quite unworthy of a man who was undoubtedly one of the greatest erudites of his generation.” He went on to castigate Margoliouth's disregard of certain Qur'anic meanings and intentions of which “he must have been very well aware,” his “shocking misapplication of scholarship,” his “immodesty”, and the rest. Quite restrained criticism when compared to the diatribe which the Arab debaters poured on the heads of their fellow citizen and his presumed infidel mentor, but rather unusual in the serene Arcady of orientalism.

scholarly journals Estrangement and Selfhood in the Classical Concept of Waṭan

2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 16-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yaseen Noorani
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Personal Experience ◽  
The Self ◽  
Arabic Literature ◽  
Literary Texts ◽  
Classical Concept ◽  
Subjective Meaning ◽  
Modern Arabic ◽  
Classical Arabic ◽  
Primary Love

The modern Arabic term for national homeland, waṭan, derives its sense from the related yet semantically different usage of this term in classical Arabic, particularly in classical Arabic poetry. In modern usage, waṭan refers to a politically defined, visually memorialized territory whose expanse is cognized abstractly rather than through personal experience. The modern waṭan is the geopolitical locus of national identity. The classical notion of waṭan, however, is rarely given much geographical content, although it usually designates a relatively localized area on the scale of a neighborhood, town, or village. More important than geographical content is the subjective meaning of the waṭan, in the sense of its essential place in the psyche of an individual. The waṭan (also mawṭin, awṭān), both in poetry and other types of classical writing, is strongly associated with the childhood/youth and primary love attachments of the speaker. This sense of waṭan is thus temporally defined as much as spatially, and as such can be seen as an archetypal instance of the Bakhtinian chronotope, one intrinsically associated with nostalgia and estrangement. The waṭan, as the site of the classical self’s former plenitude, is by definition lost or transfigured and unrecoverable, becoming an attachment that must be relinquished for the sake of virtue and glory. This paper argues that the bivalency of the classical waṭan chronotope, recoverable through analysis of poetic and literary texts, allows us to understand the space and time of the self in classical Arabic literature and how this self differs from that presupposed by modern ideals of patriotism.

scholarly journals Grammatical construction of function words between old and modern written Arabic: A corpus-based analysis

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-296
Author(s):  
Sultan Almujaiwel
Keyword(s):  
Heritage Language ◽  
Main Part ◽  
Function Words ◽  
Frequency Distributions ◽  
Standard Arabic ◽  
Part Of Speech ◽  
Grammatical Construction ◽  
Modern Arabic ◽  
Classical Arabic ◽  
Modern Standard

AbstractThis paper argues that Arabic function words (FWs) vary in usage between old and modern Arabic, thus prompting an experimental investigation into their changeability. This investigation is carried out by testing classical Arabic (CA) in Arabic heritage language (AHL) texts – those labeled as archistratum – and the modern standard Arabic (MSA) of Arabic newspaper texts (ANT), each group of which contains randomly collected 5 million (M) word texts. The linguistic theory of the grammar of Arabic FWs is explained through the differences between CA and MSA, despite Arabic FW changes and the unlearnability and/or unusability of some FW constructions between in these two eras of Arabic usage. The dispersion/distribution of the construction grammar (CxG) of FWs and the number (n) of word attractions/repulsions between the two distinct eras is explored using the very latest and most sophisticated Arabic corpus processing tools, and Sketch Engine’sSkeEn gramrelsoperators. The analysis of a 5 M word corpus from each era of Arabic serves to prove the non-existence of rigorous Arabic CxG. The approach in this study adopts a technique which, by contrasting AHL with ANT, relies on analyzing the frequency distributions of FWs, the co-occurrences of FWs in a span of 2n-grams collocational patterning, and some cases of FW usage changes in terms of lexical cognition (FW grammatical relationships). The results show that the frequencies of FWs, in addition to the case studies, are not the same, and this implies that FWs and their associations with the main part of speech class in a fusion language like Arabic have grammatically changed in MSA. Their constructional changes are neglected in Arabic grammar.

The sound change j > y in the Arabic dialects of peninsular Arabia

1965 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. M. Johnstone
Keyword(s):  
Sound Change ◽  
Phonological Feature ◽  
Arabic Dialects ◽  
Classical Arabic ◽  
The Way

An important phonological feature of many of the dialects of Arabia is the pronunciation of . This sound change is not confined to one dialect group, and unlike the affrication of and is non-conditioned. The evidence whether > in Classical Arabic or in the ancient dialects is rather inconclusive, and exceptin a few authors it is not categorically stated to be a sound change in the way that this is stated, for example, of 'aj'aja (iy[y] > ij[j] mainly in pause) for the dialect of the Tamīm.

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