Conspiracy and Ambition in Russian Politics before the February Revolution of 1917: The Case of Prince Georgii Evgen’evich L’vov

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Semion Lyandres
Keyword(s):  

This article uses new and previously known but under-exploited sources to reexamine the significance of pre-revolutionary conspiracies centered around Prince G.E. L’vov for the liberals’ dilemma about the leadership and form of a popular cabinet. The article sheds new light on L’vov’s efforts and motives to organize these plots, challenges his traditional depiction as a ‘soft’ and ineffectual politician, and questions his long-assumed rivalry with the Duma President M.V. Rodzianko for the premiership in a post-Nikolaevan government.

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 426-453
Author(s):  
Kirill Petrov

Abstract The phenomenon of color revolutions has occupied a prominent place in Russian politics for a good reason. The major threat of color revolutions as modern political warfare designed by Western countries deeply affected the political process in Russia since 2005. It may have appeared that the imperative of resisting them was the result of a non-democratic regime reacting to neighboring countries’ uprisings. Some portrayed it as authoritarian learning. This paper suggests that the counteractions stemmed from the interests of disunited Russian elite groups who were seeking opportunities to reinforce their dominance and capitalize on the idea of significant external threats. The phenomenon reshaped the balance within elite groups and led to the consolidation of law enforcement networks on the eve of Putin’s third term. Further, the prevailing perception of color revolutions discouraged any elite splits that could lead to proto-democratic rules.


Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.


2016 ◽  
Vol 68 (004) ◽  
pp. 13-13
Author(s):  
Anton Khodasevich
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Ruslan Faritovich Garipov ◽  
Denis Ivanovich Igonin

This article explores the features of the implementation of individual parliamentary rights by members of the Federation Council, the upper house of the Russian legislative assembly. The relevance of the study is since in recent years there has been a transformation in informal practices of political influence on parliamentarians. In this sense, the object of the study was the analysis of individual legal norms, the regulations of the Federation Council and the practice of holding parliamentary hearings. The authors focused on the negative consequences expressing the responsibility of senators, considering the ambiguous statutory regulation of such measures in modern Russian politics. During the development of the scope of activities carried out by the upper house of the Federal Assembly, the reasons by which its members could lose their powers were significantly expanded. By way of conclusion, it was noted that, despite the rarity of the application of such sanctions, the authors recorded a systematization of forms and measures of responsibility used for political purposes. Such tendencies create artificial barriers to the implementation of certain senatorial powers and acquire a political character.


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