Elites and Color Revolutions: The Logic of Russia’s Response

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 426-453
Author(s):  
Kirill Petrov

Abstract The phenomenon of color revolutions has occupied a prominent place in Russian politics for a good reason. The major threat of color revolutions as modern political warfare designed by Western countries deeply affected the political process in Russia since 2005. It may have appeared that the imperative of resisting them was the result of a non-democratic regime reacting to neighboring countries’ uprisings. Some portrayed it as authoritarian learning. This paper suggests that the counteractions stemmed from the interests of disunited Russian elite groups who were seeking opportunities to reinforce their dominance and capitalize on the idea of significant external threats. The phenomenon reshaped the balance within elite groups and led to the consolidation of law enforcement networks on the eve of Putin’s third term. Further, the prevailing perception of color revolutions discouraged any elite splits that could lead to proto-democratic rules.

2021 ◽  
pp. 152-157
Author(s):  
N. A. Omelchenko

The article сonsiders ideological, political and cultural prerequisites of the Peter the Great state reforms that, according to the author, were formed long before the Peter`s Reformation, and had a significant impact on the course and model of the “regular” (military- police) state created by Peter the First. Among the main prerequisites are the etatization (nationalization) of society and the associated paternalistic nature of state relations, which formed the traditional foundations of national statehood and strengthened in the 17th century in the context of Russia’s withdrawal from the Turmoil and the restoration of the national statehood destroyed in the time of troubles. The paper investigates the reasons for the formation of these features of the development of national statehood, the main of which the author proposes to search in the civilizational and geopolitical features of the formation and evolution of the Russian state, the weakness of the institutional foundations of Russian politics, stylistic peculiarities of Russian Orthodoxy and a number of other factors.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-148
Author(s):  
Багдасарян ◽  
Vardan Bagdasaryan

The presented article analyzes the transformation of historical consciousness in modern Ukraine. The feedback factor of realized historical politics and the Ukrainian Revolution in 2014 is proved. Management of historical consciousness is defined as the most important factor in the formation of the political process. The problem of split of identities in Ukraine is considered through the prism of perception of the history. On the basis of the Ukrainian experience the threat of "color revolutions" in Russia is indicated while ignoring the issues related to the historical consciousness of Russians. The connection of world historiographical discourse and geopolitical challenges of our time is reconstructed.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-290
Author(s):  
Nikolai Grishin

This paper views the regional political opposition in Post-Soviet Russia as a specific phenomenon that contradicts the practices of the existing political regime and differs from the opposition at the national level. The Russian regional opposition is considered in the context of the heterogeneity of the political process at the federal and sub-national levels: it is a phenomenon that is more relevant to a democratic regime than a hybrid authoritarian polity. The article analyzes the methods used by the authorities to limit the abilities of the regional opposition. Due to institutional factors, the opportunities of the provincial opposition are restricted at all levels. Federal political parties are used as a means of suppressing the regional opposition. Nevertheless, the Russian regional opposition remains intact and it has the potential to disrupt the power vertical and the orderly system of the hybrid regime.


Author(s):  
M. A. Volhonskiy

The article highlights the political process of accession in 1801, KartliKakheti to the Russian Empire, which was the result of the development of RussianGeorgian relations in the second half of the XVIII century, the article shows that the military-political weakness of the Georgian Kingdom became the main reason for the failure of the prisoner in 1783 the Treaty of Georgievsk, according to which Russia took under its protectorate of Eastern Georgia. Awareness of this fact has forced both Georgian and Russian ruling upper classes to begin to seek new forms of allied relations. Ensuing after the death of king Irakli II between representatives of the Royal family fight for throne significantly weakened the Georgian Kingdom. In the face of external threats from Iran, the only way to keep Eastern Georgia from ruin was its accession to Russia.


Author(s):  
Aleksandr Vladimirovich Skiperskikh

The author makes an attempt to deconstruct political space on the example of modern Russia. The object of this research is the political space of modern Russia as one political whole. The subject of this research is the disposition of “top” and “bottom” in the political space of modern Russia. Albeit a unified whole, the political space in fact is a sum of contradictory and balancing oppositions. The presence of power enhances social conflict, and actualizes political process. The author proves this thesis, referring to numerous examples from the Russian politics. The main conclusion lies in giving a new perspective on the political space as highly hierarchical. The political space is regulated from the top, which suggests the presence of specific rules of the game therein. Such rules establish the resource disposition of the political actors. The government becomes detached from society more and more. Political space in Russia has its clear “top” and “bottom”. The formation of “top” and “bottom” has historical and cultural grounds, which are used by the government to justify their supreme position. Legitimation of power suggest approval of the already existing hierarchy of power. The scientific novelty lies in viewing the political process in modern Russia through the prism of “top” and “bottom”, which are in the irreconcilable conflict.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 167-188
Author(s):  
Abdu Mukhtar Musa

As in most Arab and Third World countries, the tribal structure is an anthropological reality and a sociological particularity in Sudan. Despite development and modernity aspects in many major cities and urban areas in Sudan, the tribe and the tribal structure still maintain their status as a psychological and cultural structure that frames patterns of behavior, including the political behavior, and influence the political process. This situation has largely increased in the last three decades under the rule of the Islamic Movement in Sudan, because of the tribe politicization and the ethnicization of politics, as this research reveals. This research is based on an essential hypothesis that the politicization of tribalism is one of the main reasons for the tribal conflict escalation in Sudan. It discusses a central question: Who is responsible for the tribal conflicts in Sudan?


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-104
Author(s):  
Dima Kortukov

Abstract The concept of sovereign democracy dominated the political discourse in Russia in 2006–8 but lost much of its significance since. In this article, I argue that sovereign democracy is best understood as the response of Russia’s authorities to the threats of democratization, following Eurasian color revolutions. I distinguish between three conceptually distinct aspects of sovereign democracy: (1) a social contract (2) a legitimation discourse; and (3) a counter-revolutionary praxis. These dimensions allow us to understand what functions sovereign democracy fulfilled within the framework of Russia’s authoritarian regime and why it lost its prominence over time.


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