“Defacing the Leader’s Portrait and Quotations”: An Archival Study of Four Cases

Rural China ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-292
Author(s):  
Wenzhi Huang

During the Cultural Revolution, Mao’s portrait and quotations were everywhere in China. This modern form of cult was manifested in two ways: the cult of the Leader’s personality through the use of his likenesses and quotes by government authorities and the populace, and the defilement of the objects emblematic of the Leader by certain individuals. Based on an analysis of newly discovered archives on a number of cases involving defaced portraits, photos, and quotations of the Leader, this article reveals the micro-level mechanisms of political events, by which the “enemies” were identified and treated, and further tackles some theoretical issues concerning defacement, stigmatization and de-stigmatization, and the allegation of counter-revolutionary crimes in political campaigns.

Author(s):  
Bazar D. Tsybenov Tsybenov ◽  
◽  
Tsyden S. Ochirov ◽  

Introduction. Peculiarities of the ‘Cultural Revolution’ in China’s national regions remain a poorly studied issue in modern Oriental studies. In this regard, Hulunbuir league of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region had been a strategically important and geopolitically significant region of the country. This territory bordered on the Mongolian People’s Republic and the USSR, therefore the central government of China considered its population potentially dangerous and marginal. The People’s Revolutionary Party of Inner Mongolia had two party factions in Hulunbuir league: the ‘unification’ faction, and the ‘justice’ one. The Maoists viewed the ‘Mongol Unification’ faction of the People’s Revolutionary Party of Inner Mongolia as a particularly dangerous, separatist trend. Goals. The paper aims to examine the political events and facts that took place in Hulunbuir league in 1965–1968. Objectives. Chronologically, the first objective is to examine the ideological and political campaigns —struggle against the ‘Four Olds’, and the ‘Four Purges’ — as a prehistory to the ‘Cultural Revolution’. The second objective is to analyze the cardinal changes that took place in the leadership of the party committee and local authorities in 1966–1968. The third problem studied deals with repressive activities of the Red Guards and Zaofan in Hulunbuir league, their division into two fighting camps. The fourth objective is to examine the creation of the aimag revolutionary committee and its activities in 1968. Materials. The work analyzes three collections of official documents published in the PRC. The information thereof is supplemented with materials from works by Russian and foreign authors. The article provides a comparative analysis of events and facts, translates some terms from Mongolian and Chinese. Results. The introducing part the paper examines a prehistory of the ‘Cultural Revolution’, the ideological and political campaigns. Its main part studies the events of the ‘Cultural Revolution’ in the region. In July of 1966, a special working group arrived in Hailar on behalf of the CPC Northern Bureau. Members of this group were cadre Party workers from Hubei and Shanxi provinces. In September of 1966, Party Committee Secretary of Hulunbuir league Qi Junshan and Deputy Secretary Zhargal were dismissed from their posts. Red Guards appeared in Hulunbuir in August of 1966 and began organizing ‘struggle meetings’. They actively recruited local Mongolian youth. In 1967, the Red Guards in Hulunbuir split into two opposing factions. They were confronting each other and for a while forgot about ‘class enemies’. Activities of the Red Guards were out of control of the regional authorities, and the situation needed stabilization. In March of 1967, the State Council and the Central Military Commission of the People’s Republic of China decided to create a military council in Hulunbuir league, also referred to as ‘the first line to contain the Revolution and stimulate production’. On December 20, 1967, a revolutionary committee was formed in Hailar. In March of 1968, Shangmin, a loyal follower of Mao Zedong, became the leader of the revolutionary committee. Making false accusations, he intensified repressions against members of the ‘Mongol Unification’ faction. Conclusions. Political events in Hulunbuir league in 1965–1968 were directly related to the situation in the whole autonomous region and country. Repressions against members of the ‘Mongol Unification’ faction were a distinctive feature of the repressive policy in the region. Still, the appointments of cadre Party workers from central provinces are a poorly understood issue. So, the ‘Cultural Revolution’ in this territory of Inner Mongolia obviously has local features that require further scientific research.


Author(s):  
Ochirov Ts. Solbonovich ◽  

The research of the problems of the contemporary history of the NorthEastern China including the analysis of ideological and political campaigns of the second half of the XX century is one of the high-potential fields of the Oriental studies in our country. The article focuses on the period of the (Great) ‘Cultural Revolution’ (1966–1976) at bordering USSR Chinese regions — Heilongjiang province and Khulun-Buir aimak of the autonomous region of Inner Mongolia. The goals of the study are set in concurrence with chronological order of the events: the ‘cultural revolution’ in the above mentioned regions had two stages. The study is based on the works of the Chinese historians. The given research highlights the specific features of the initial stage of the “cultural revolution” including the criticism of the party officials, establishment of revolution committees and running a political campaign ‘vasu’; considers the Soviet-Chinese conflict at the Daman island in 1969 to be a factor in the following political stabilization of the bordering territories; examines the movement for restoration of the party apparatus and the boost in the industrial development in 1970s of the last century.


1974 ◽  
Vol 57 ◽  
pp. 203-224

Different currents appeared to be at play in the political events of the quarter, with many of the trends being unclear or only barely discernible. One expected event which did not take place was the convening of the National People's Congress; the absence of which is also giving grounds for believing that many political problems remained unsolved. While it appeared, particularly in the field of foreign relations, that the post-10th Congress leadership, dominated by Chou En-lai and including in the second rank many of those prominently abused during the Cultural Revolution, remained firmly in control, there also appeared to be a re-emergence of some of the ideological formulations of the Cultural Revolution. The slogan “going against the tide is a Marxist-Leninist principle,” which had been attributed to Mao during the 10th Congress in August, was frequently repeated, although with markedly different emphasis in different provinces, and the war-cry of the Cultural Revolution, “to rebel is justified,” reappeared, although without national prominence. Some of the more abstruse press discussion even suggested the possibility that Chou En-lai himself was under pressure despite the apparent dominance and security of his position.


2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-96
Author(s):  
Ke-hsien Huang

China has experienced remarkable religious revivals since the Cultural Revolution. I argue that the revivals rely on religious elites summoning collective memory to restore religion, among other factors. In addition, a micro-level perspective is taken, to see how collective memory, more than a group’s collective representation, is the product and resources of religious elites in pursuit of their own interest; the remembrance of the sacred past is a contested, unfolding process of key actors engaging in varied mnemonic practices. Through data collected from long-term fieldwork, I demonstrate how Chinese Pentecostals, after lengthy political suppression, use religious collective memory to rebuild the national community, strengthen the leadership by proving their orthodox character, and fight against mystical separatists. In conclusion, I explain why religious collective memory matters in the case of China in particular, where the state tends to repress religious institutionalization, and Chinese people emphasize the importance of orthodoxy lineage.


Asian Survey ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 349-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jurgen Domes

Asian Survey ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 372-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harvey W. Nelsen

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