Dominicans and the Political Realm of Latinidad in New York City

2021 ◽  
pp. 66-83
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Realm

Shanghai’s Leading Indigenous and Expat Jazz Musicians

Jazz in China ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 187-209
Author(s):  
Eugene Marlow
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
York City ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Life Threatening

This chapter focuses on jazz musicians in Shanghai. Once called the “Paris of the East,” today Shanghai represents the economic and entrepreneurial center of China; Beijing is the political heart of China. Both cities have their own vibe: Beijing—spread out like Los Angeles, is clogged by an increasing number of cars and life-threatening smog; Shanghai—compact like Manhattan, New York City, is cosmopolitan and eclectic. Both cities boast their own jazz scene. Beijing is full of expats and the jazz bands tend to be more uniformly Asian. Shanghai, on the other hand, reflects a much greater international mix of musicians.

The Political Machine of New York City

1933 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 611-618
Author(s):  
Roy V. Peel
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Machine

The purposes of organized society in New York City, as in every metropolitan community, are made manifest through groups. By no means exclusively political, these purposes are social, cultural, and economic; they are expressed as objectives of individuals identified with each other by having common national and racial origins, common religion or residence or partisan affiliation. The articulation of these purposes is accomplished through group representatives who, in one way or another, acquire power over their fellows. Relationships between individuals composing these groups are of two kinds: vertical and horizontal. In each vertical group, there is a hierarchy of power, with the few at the top of the pyramid exercising authority over those below—authority that is never unlimited, but always dependent on the observance of established modes of behavior and the recognition of sudden shifts of opinion. The horizontal relationships between the officials on comparable levels of the various vertical groups are normally cooperative in character; but in certain cases they are combative. The theory of the party system requires, for example, the leaders of the parties to contend with each other for the support of the marginal voters. All of the individuals composing these groups are humanly frail and uncertain in their loyalties. Consequently, the equilibrium of forces just described is often disturbed by revolt within the vertical associations and by the constant re-formation of alliances among the horizontal groups.

An Ethics of Dwelling

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jarrett Zigon
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
Subjective Experience ◽  
A Priori ◽  
The Political ◽  
Drug War ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Motivational Deficit

Chapter four takes up the dilemma posed by what Simon Critchley calls the motivational deficit that accompanies the disappointment in politics today. It is argued that unlike the politics of the a priori that begins with a metaphysical humanist notion of the political subject, a politics of world-building begins with a being-in-a-world with an existential imperative to dwell. Dwelling is here conceived as being-in-a-world in such a way that one is always open to new possibilities that can emerge from one’s world. When one’s world breaks down and becomes uninhabitable, then one is no longer able to dwell in this world. Some respond to this with what is called an ethics of dwelling, which is the subjective experience of doing a politics of worldbuilding. I consider such an ethics through the experience of some anti-drug war agonists from New York City and Vancouver.

The Combination

2020 ◽  
pp. 23-51
Author(s):  
Robert Miklitsch
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Everyday Life ◽  
Organized Crime ◽  
West Coast ◽  
York City ◽  
Female Sexuality ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Critique ◽  
Dynamic Representation

Unlike a seminal syndicate picture film such as The Enforcer (1950), which is set in New York City and is stylistically dark, Joseph Newman’s 711 Ocean Drive (1950) is a paradigmatic West Coast gangster noir, reveling in the golden light for which Southern California is famous. The film 711 Ocean Drive is only one in a series of ’50s crime pictures whose focus, whether deep or shallow, is on organized crime in the octopus-like guise of the syndicate. If other syndicate films such as The Captive City (1952) developed as a response to the Kefauver hearings, this development becomes, in time, a concern with wider issues. Thus, in The Big Combo (1955), the dynamic representation of female sexuality encompasses an equally dynamic depiction of homosexuality. More generally, if in The Big Combo Joseph Lewis uses the syndicate film to explore the political-libidinal unconscious of mid-century America, his film is less a vehicle for the sort of social critique of organized crime that informs 711 Ocean Drive and The Captive City than an exposé of the psychopathology of everyday life.

“Ruffling the Somewhat Calm Domain”

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Market Economy ◽  
York City ◽  
Rural Women ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Deep Roots ◽  
Electoral Support

This chapter demonstrates how rural women in upstate villages and towns—often considered to be apolitical—actually embraced the suffrage spirit, causing a number of pro-suffrage hotbeds to emerge outside of New York City. Many suffrage leaders had deep roots in the towns, villages, and farms of the state. Taking advantage of opportunities to participate in the political culture shaped during the transition from an agrarian to a market economy, contingents of rural women helped lay the foundation for a broad-based state suffrage movement. With the broader base of rural women supporting the movement, rural activists could now appeal to husbands and fathers in these areas to garner electoral support. By 1910, leaders shifted campaign tactics from attempting to convince legislators to support suffrage to persuading the (male) electorate to secure a state referendum for women.

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