STRATEGI KOMUNIKASI POLITIK TIM PEMENANGAN FACHRORI-SYAFRIL PADA PILKADA 2020 DI PROVINSI JAMBI

This study aims to determine the political communication strategy of the winning team, the strengths and weaknesses as well as the causes of the low vote acquisition of Fachrori-Syafril in the 2020 simultaneous regional elections in Jambi Province. The method used in this study is a qualitative research method which emphasizes the in-depth aspects of a problem. The results of this study indicate that the political communication strategy used by the Fachrori-Syafril winning team still has problems and obstacles that cause the low vote acquisition for candidate pair number 02 Fachrori-Syafril in the 2020 Simultaneous Regional Head Elections in Jambi Province. This is due to limited campaign factors, new people in the political realm, candidate management does not work and the disappointment factor from the community.

PENDEKATAN MUBĀDALAH PERSPEKTIF FAQIHUDDIN ABDUL KODIR DALAM PEMAKNAAN HADIS KEPEMIMPINAN PEREMPUAN

<p>Interpretasi teks-teks keagamaan yang diyakini bias gender berimplikasi pada subordinasi dan marginalisasi perempuan dalam berbagai ranah kehidupan. Oleh karena itu, reinterpretasi mutlak diperlukan untuk memulihkan kesenjangan yang ada antara laki-laki dan perempuan. Kajian ini bertujuan memaparkan konsep dasar pendekatan <em>mubādalah</em> dalam perspektif Faqihuddin Abdul Kodir dan mengimplemetasikan pendekatan <em>mubādalah</em> dalam menginterpretasikan hadis kepemimpinan perempuan. Metode yang digunakan adalah penelitian studi literatur menggunakan teknik deskriptif-analitik. Sumber utama dari studi ini adalah buku <em>Qirā</em><em>’ah Mubādalah</em>, sedangkan sumber sekundernya adalah karya-karya ilmiah yang berkaitan dengan kajian. Hasil studi ini menunjukkan bahwa Faqihuddin Abdul Kodir adalah seorang mufassir feminis asal Indonesia, konsep <em>mubādalah</em> yang ia tawarkan melahirkan relasi ketersalingan yang adil terhadap laki-laki dan perempuan, termasuk dalam diskursus kepemimpinan perempuan, baik dalam ibadah maupun sosial-politik. Meskipun mayoritas ulama melarang perempuan menjadi pemimpin dalam shalat, namun keyakinan tersebut tidak berlaku dalam ranah sosial-politik karena berdasarkan perspektif <em>mubādalah</em>, kepemimpinan tidak didasarkan pada jenis kelamin, melainkan dapat diemban bagi mereka yang memiliki kapasitas dan kemampuan untuk memimpin, sehingga laki-laki dan perempuan dapat bekerjasama dalam menciptakan kemaslahatan di muka bumi.</p><p>[<strong><em>Mubādala</em> Approach in the Perspective of Faqihuddin Abdul Kodir on the Meaning of Women's Leadership Hadith</strong>. The interpretation of religious texts which is believed to be gender-biased has implications for the subordination and marginalization of women in various spheres of life. Therefore, reinterpretation is necessary to restore the existing gap between men and women. This study aims to explain the basic concepts of the <em>mubādalah</em> approach in Faqihuddin Abdul Kodir’s perspective and to implement the mubadalah approach in interpreting the hadiths of women's leadership. The method used is a literature study research using descriptive-analytic techniques. The main source of this study is the book <em>Qirā</em><em>’at Mubādala</em>, while the secondary sources are scientific works related to studies. The results of this study indicate that Faqihuddin Abdul Kodir is a feminist exegete from Indonesia, the concept of mubadalah that he offers creates a fair relationship of alienation towards men and women, including in the discourse of women's leadership, both in worship and socio-politics. The majority of scholars prohibit women from becoming prayer leaders, but this belief does not apply in the socio-political realm because based on the perspective of<strong><em> </em></strong><em>mubādala</em>, leadership is not based on gender, but can be carried out by those who have the capacity and ability to lead, so that they can work together in creating benefit on earth.]</p>

Ignorance of History and Political Differences in Perception of Racism in the United States

According to the Marley hypothesis, White Americans are more ignorant of historical racism than Black Americans, which explains their greater tendency to deny racism in the present. We extended the Marley hypothesis by testing whether it explains political differences in perception of racism among White Americans in the United States. Two preregistered studies measured participants’ knowledge of historical racism as well as their perception of present racism in individual cases and in society ( N = 463). White Republicans had less knowledge of historical racism and perceived less individual and systemic racism than White Democrats. Consistent with the Marley hypothesis, political differences in perception of individual racism were significantly mediated by knowledge of historical racism. These findings suggest that ignorance of historical racism may partly explain why White Republicans perceive less racism than White Democrats, and therefore extend the Marley hypothesis to the political realm.

The Dynamics of Social Movements in Unrecognized States—A Comparative Study

In the political realm, our world is currently experiencing both a massive decline in democracies as well as the quality of democratic regimes in all geographical regions, and a rise in pro-democracy social change movements. Meanwhile, extant scholarly research emphasizes that social movements can contribute to changes in political regimes, such as the undermining of authoritarian ones or simply causing a circulation of the elite. Nevertheless, there is a gap in the scholarly knowledge regarding when political activism becomes effective or can even take place without total annihilation in the context of unrecognized states. To address this gap, studying cases of pro-democracy movements in unrecognized states through a comparative schema is the most effective methodology. In these cases, some variables that affect movement outcomes, such as international diplomatic relations, NGO activity, multinational company pressures, etc. are more restricted due to these states lacking official diplomatic capacity. Therefore, in unrecognized states, domestic political-economic factors are primal and their effects can be observed much more easily, which then lends some tentatively generalizable insights as well. For the purposes of this paper, I will consider the emergence and ultimate outcomes of pro-democracy movements in three unrecognized states: North Cyprus, Abkhazia, and Taiwan. All three cases in comparative perspective can shed light on the dynamics of how nonviolent, pro-democracy movements unfold under the authoritarian-leaning settings of unrecognized states with minimal international interaction or oversight.

Degrowth, political acceptability and the Green New Deal

Endless economic growth on a finite planet is impossible. This is the premise behind the degrowth movement. Despite this sound rationale, the degrowth movement has struggled to gain political acceptability. We have sought to understand this limited uptake of degrowth discourse in the English-speaking world by interviewing Canadian activists. Activists have a proximity to the political realm – both with its barriers and openings – that scholars working primarily in academic institutions sometimes lack. Our interviews reveal that class interests – particularly those of fossil fuel companies – are a substantial barrier to realizing degrowth goals. Interviewees highlighted the importance of centring class-conscious environmentalism, ‘anti-purity’ politics, and decolonization as essential parts of a degrowth agenda capable of overcoming these class interests. We conclude by unpacking how the Green New Deal – a discourse and movement that gained considerable traction after we completed our interviews – addresses the obstacles shared by our interviewees, thus making it a promising ‘non-reformist reform’ for the degrowth movement to pursue.

Political implications of compassion in Mencius

This paper examines Mencius’ view on compassion in the political realm by proposing that Mencius defends compassionate governance by reconciling the two extremes of Yangist self-love and Mohist universal love. This paper proposes a reading of two famous stories, namely, the story of a young child on the verge of falling into a well, and the story of King Xuan of Qi sparing an ox as paradigmatic cases for understanding Mencius’ account of compassion in the political realm. This paper argues that Mencius succeeds in his defense of governance with compassion against the other two extremes of self-love and altruism. To provide an argument for compatibility with egoism or self-love, this paper offers an analysis of Mencius’ idea of the ruler sharing pleasure with his people instead of denying pleasure for himself. In this sense, a good ruler does not need to sacrifice his self-interest. To counter the demand of universal love of the Mohists, Mencius develops a position that the Confucian ideal ruler, while not sacrificing his self-interests, those interests need to be guided and directed by a proper process of moral cultivation of his compassionate heart so that he can readily share his pleasures with all the peoples in his kingdom. These readings indicate Mencius’ expanded argument for political implications of compassion in the moral universe of the Confucian school.

Journey of Survivance from a Cultural Practice to Legal Precedent in Kashmiri Rhetorics: An Indigenous Study of Memoirs of Basharat Peer and Rahul Pandita

This research focuses on the practice of survivance and its journey from a cultural practice to legal precedent for likely move to constitutional praxis in the Kashmiri context. It analyzes this practice as a priori argument of the Kashmiri narrativized rhetorics selecting two memoirs, Basharat Peer’s Curfewed Night and Rahul Pandita’s Our Moon has Blood Clots, representing two Kashmiri communities. The objective is to pinpoint survivance practices as the basis of the Kashmiri assertion for indigenous sovereignty over the land, assuming Kashmiri narrativized rhetorication of the Kashmiri culture assists survivance practices transforming them into legal precedents even if they are oral testimonies of the indigenous legal claims likening them to the Vizenorian claim of the fourth person. The research validates this argument that the Kashmiri survivance practices enter the political realm and compete with paracolonialism in legal validation of the native claims but fall short of claiming constitutional praxis which requires further research through a legal standpoint regarding their affectivity in this arena.

New Face of Contemporary Sufism in Southeast Asia: Experience of Indonesia and Malaysia

The current global spiritual revival has been reflected in the revival of Sufism, to the extent that Sufism now has a different appearance from its earlier conventional manifestations. Global developments have driven Sufism to put its appearance relevant to the demands of global living. Focusing on the experiences of Indonesia and Malaysia, this paper attempts to examine the developments of Sufism. These countries seem to represent contemporary trends of Sufism in Southeast Asia. The new face of contemporary Sufism called “urban Sufism” is found in Indonesia. The practices of urban Sufism, which is influenced by the political realm, can be observed within Majelis Dzikir Nurussalam (MDN) established by the former President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. In Malaysia, the new appearance of Sufism was initiated by Dar al-Arqam, which later changed its name as Ikhwan Global (IG). This group actively encourages its members to be economically self-reliant by undertaking a range of business activities and at the same time promotes a Sufi lifestyle as the focus of its activities. This research found that contemporary Sufism is no longer oriented exclusively toward the pursuit of spiritual achievements, but it also becomes an instrument of political and economic interests.

The Partisan Next Door

In the United States, politics has become tribal and personalized. The influence of partisan divisions has extended beyond the political realm into everyday life, affecting relationships and workplaces as well as the ballot box. To help explain this trend, we examine the stereotypes Americans have of ordinary Democrats and Republicans. Using data from surveys, experiments, and Americans' own words, we explore the content of partisan stereotypes and find that they come in three main flavors—parties as their own tribes, coalitions of other tribes, or vehicles for political issues. These different stereotypes influence partisan conflict: people who hold trait-based stereotypes tend to display the highest levels of polarization, while holding issue-based stereotypes decreases polarization. This finding suggests that reducing partisan conflict does not require downplaying partisan divisions but shifting the focus to political priorities rather than identity—a turn to what we call responsible partisanship.

Between Frontline and Parliament: Ukrainian Political Parties and Irregular Armed Groups in 2014–2019

The short-lived Ukrainian armed volunteer movement and its interaction with electoral politics, in some regards did, and in other regards, did not fit patterns observed in research into irregular armed groups (IAGs). The brief life span of most Ukrainian IAGs as more or less independent actors, and their swift integration into Ukraine’s regular forces during the years 2014–2015, were both unusual. They were also one of the reasons for the relatively low political impact of the IAGs as such - a repercussion that is in contrast to the partly impressive individual political careers of some IAG commanders in 2014–2019. There were various forms of interpenetration of parties with IAGs in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. Certain parties, political activists, and MPs took part in the creation and development of IAGs in 2014. Some – to that point, mostly minor - politicians became soldiers or commanders of IAGs. Subsequently, a number of IAG members transited into the party-political realm, either joining older parties or creating new political organizations.